■J!T" 


III. 

AMERICAN   EXPLORERS  SERIES, 
©n  tbe  Urail  of  a  Spanlsb  pioneer. 

VOL.   L 


ON  THE  TRAIL  OF  A  SPANISH  PIONEER 

THE 

DIARY  AND  ITINERARY 

OF 

FRANCISCO  GARCES 

(Missionary  Priest) 

IN  HIS  TRAVELS  THROUGH  SONORA, 
ARIZONA,  AND  CALIFORNIA 

(775-1776 

TRANSLATED    FROM    AN   OFFICIAL   CONTEMPORANEOUS  COPY  OF 

THE  ORIGINAL  SPANISH  MANUSCRIPT,  AND  EDITED, 

WITH  COPIOUS  CRITICAL   NOTES 

BY 

ELLIOTT  COUES 

Editor  of  Lewis  and  Clark,  of  Pike,  of  Henry  and  Thompson, 
Fowler  Journal,  Larpenteur,  etc.,  etc. 

■2-/3  &4 

EIGHTEEN  MAPS,   VIEWS,  AND  FACSIMILES 

IN   TWO   VOLUMES 

Vol.   I 

NEW  YORK 

FRANCIS  P.   HARPER 

1900 


Copyright,  iqoc, 

by 

FRANCIS  P.   HARPER. 


3Eottlon  XtmlteD 
to  950  Copies. 

Wo.-.^.31..... 


F 
i9bo 


TO 

MAJOR  JOHN   WESLEY   POWELL 

EX-DIRECTOR   OF   THE    UNITED    STATES   GEOLOGICAL   SURVEY, 

DIRECTOR   OF   THE   BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY, 

WHO    FIRST    EXPLORED   THE   CANON   OF   THE   GREAT   RIVER   ON   TI1K 

BANKS   OF   WHICH   GARCES   LAST   SAW   THE   LIGHT, 

THESE   VOLUMES    ARE   CORDIALLY 

DeOicateD. 


PUBLISHER'S    NOTE. 

It  is  with  the  deepest  regret  we  announce  that 
Dr.  Elliott  Coues,  the  author  and  editor  of  the  various 
works  on  Western  Exploration  which  it  has  been  our 
privilege  to  publish,  passed  away  to  his  final  resting 
place  December  25,  1899.  Though  suffering  great 
pain,  he  with  cheerful  courage  revised  the  last  proofs 
and  wrote  the  Introduction  to  this  his  final  work. 

We  have  not  to  do  here  with  his  place  as  a  student 
and  historian  of  Western  history  and  the  Western 
country,  nor  of  the  value  of  the  fifteen  volumes  of 
which  he  was  the  author-editor;  but  we  deem  it  a  duty 
and  a  pleasure  publicly  to  testify  our  appreciation  of 
him  from  a  publisher's  point  of  view. 

Our  acquaintance  with  Dr.  Coues  commenced  in 
1892,  when  we  suggested  his  revising  and  editing  a 
new  edition  of  "  Lewis  and  Clark  Expedition."  From 
that  time  until  his  death  we  have  been  almost  in  daily 
communication  with  him,  and  never  had  a  single  mis- 
understanding of  any  kind.  While  jealous  of  his 
rights  as  author,  still  we  always  found  him  willing  to 
make  any  correction  or  addition  that  we  could  explain 


Vlll  PUBLISHER  S    NOTE. 

would  be  for  the  success  and  best  interest  of  the  work 
in  hand.  He  had  a  capacity  for  work  that  was  almost 
beyond  belief;  and  was  always  prompt  and  business- 
like in  his  methods.  He  was  a  firm  and  trustworthy 
friend  and  an  ideal  author  for  a  publisher  to  have  busi- 
ness relations  with. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Introduction, xiii 

BlOGRArHY  of  Garces, I 

The  Four  Entradas  of  Garces,  1768-74,      .        .        .  25 

First  Entrada,  to  the  Gila,  1768 25 

Second  Entrada,  to  the  Gila,  1770,           ....  26 

Third  Entrada,  to  the  Gila  and  Colorado,  1771,              .  30 
Fourth  Entrada,  to  the  Gila,  Colorado,  and  San  Gabriel 

in  California,  1774, 3$ 


CHAPTER  I. 

Officialities    and  Other   Preliminaries,  to   October  21, 

1775 47 

CHAPTER  II. 

From  Tubac  to   Casas   Grandes    on   Rio  Gii.a,   October 

23-31,  1775, 63 

CHAPTER   III. 
Down  Rio  Gila  to  Yuma,  November,  1775,         .        .        .102 


x  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   IV. 

PAGE 

Down  Rio  Colorado  from   Yuma  to  the  Gulf  and  Re- 
turn, December,  1775, 154 

CHAPTER  V. 

Up  Rio  Colorado  from  Yuma  to  Mojave,  January  and 

Febuary,  1776 200 

CHAPTER  VI. 
From  Mojave  to  San  Gabriel,  March-April  8,  1776,       .     234 

CHAPTER  VII. 

From    San    Gabriel    through    the  Tulares   to   Mojave, 

April  9-May,  1776, 265 


LIST  OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 

VOL.   I. 


Pedro  Font's  Map  of  1777 Frontispiece 

Facsimile  ok  Bucareli  Autograph,  .  .  Facing  page  56 
Facsimile  ok  Proclamation  Expelling  Jesuits 

by  Marques  de  Croix,       ....  "58 

Church  of  San  Xavier  del  Bac,    ...  "78 

Ground  Plan  ok  Casa  Grande  (after  Minde- 

lekf), "94 

View  of  Casa  Grande  in  1890,        ...  "      100 

Section  of  Ives'  Map  of  the  Lower  Colorado,         "         "      192 

Mission  of  San  Diego, "      207 

Mission  ok  San  Gabriel,  ....  "      249 


INTRODUCTION. 

Garces  was  a  Spanish  priest  and  Franciscan  friar 
who  traveled  extensively  in  Sonora,  Arizona,  and  Cali- 
fornia in  the  years  1768-81  as  a  missionary  to  various 
Indian  tribes.  In  the  earlier  of  these  years  he  was  the 
resident  minister  at  San  Xavier  del  Bac,  then  in 
Sonora.  now  in  Arizona,  on  the  Rio  Santa  Cruz. 
From  this  post  of  duty  he  made  several  expeditions, 
mainly  for  ecclesiastical  purposes,  i.  e.,  to  bring  In- 
dians under  the  catechism  of  the  church  and  the  vas- 
salage of  the  King  of  Spain,  but  also  in  part  to  dis- 
cover a  means  of  communication  between  the  widely 
separated  settlements  of  New  Mexico  and  California, 
and  thus  for  geographical  purposes.  The  first  two  of 
these  expeditions,  respectively  of  1768  and  1770,  were 
of  comparatively  little  consequence.  The  third  one, 
of  1 77 1,  extended  along  Rio  Gila  and  down  Rio  Colo- 
rado nearly  if  not  quite  to  the  mouth  of  the  latter,  being 
thus  a  considerable  enterprise,  though  not  notable  in 
its  results.  On  his  fourth  expedition,  in  1774,  he  ac- 
companied Captain  J.  B.  de  Anza  to  the  California!! 
mission  of  San  Gabriel,  on  the  return  from  which  he 
took  a  turn  on  his  own  account  to  one  of  the  Yuman 


XIV  INTRODUCTION. 

tribes  on  the  Colorado.  These  four  "  entradas,"  as 
they  were  called.,  are  presented  with  sufficient  particu- 
larity in  the  present  volume;  but  this  work  is  devoted 
mainly  to  the  Fifth  Entrada  of  our  good  missionary, 
performed  in  1775-76;  in  the  former  of  which  years 
Garces  started  with  Anza's  celebrated  expedition  for 
the  establishment  of  a  mission  and  colony  at  San  Fran- 
cisco in  California,  thus  laying  the  foundation  for  that 
great  city,  but  separated  from  the  main  party  at  Yuma, 
at  the  junctioa  of  the  Gila  and  Colorado,  then  went  to 
the  mouth  of  the  latter  river,  returned,  went  up  the 
Colorado  to  Mojave,  thence  across  California  to  San 
Gabriel,  thence  by  way  of  Tulare  Valley  back  to  Mo- 
jave, thence  to  Moqui  and  back  again  to  Mojave, 
thence  down  river  to  Yuma,  and  so  on  up  the  Gila  to 
his  post  at  Bac. 

The  Diario  y  Derrotero,  or  Diary  and  Itinerary, 
which  the  indefatigable  padre  kept  on  his  long,  ardu- 
ous, and  somewhat  perilous  journey,  was  fully  written 
out  by  him  at  the  Sonoran  mission  of  Tubutama,  in 
January,  1777.  The  original  holograph  should  be 
extant;  but  I  know  nothing  about  that.  Three  differ- 
ent copies  or  versions  of  the  original  are  in  my  hands, 
two  in  manuscript  and  one  in  print;  I  will  call  them  A, 
B,  C,  and  characterize  them  as  follows: 

A.  Diario  del  Padre  Fray  Francisco  Garces.  Manu- 
script, folio,  size  of  ordinary  foolscap,    11%   X  8^?, 


INTRODUCTION.  XV 

211  pages,  including  title  leaf  backed  blank,  excluding 
blank  page  212  and  one  blank  leaf.  In  Library  of 
the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  at  Washington, 
No.  7415,  received  in  1897  from  Dr.  Nicolas  Leon  of 
Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  D.  F.,  Mexico.  This  copy  lacks 
the  map  which  should,  or  once  did  accompany  it,  or  at 
any  rate  belonged  with  the  original;  it  is  otherwise 
perfect.  The  handwriting  is  not  known;  but  it  is 
beautifully  firm,  regular,  and  characteristic  of  some 
professional  scribe  or  clerk  who  made  the  copy,  pre- 
sumably from  Garces'  own  writing,  for  archive  pur- 
poses. The  manuscript  is  therefore  official  and 
genuine,  but  not  authentic.  The  date  of  the  writing  is 
closely  ascertainable  by  internal  evidence,  as  follows : 
The  original  having  been  finished,  dated,  and  signed  by 
Garces  at  Tubutama  in  January,  1777,  this  copy  was 
made  before  August  4,  1785.  For,  all  through  at 
intervals,  it  is  annotated  in  the  margin  in  a  different 
handwriting,  and  the  same  handwriting  of  the  scholiast 
appears  in  a  note  at  the  end.  on  pages  210,  211,  signed 
Miguel  Valero  Olea,  and  dated  August  4,  1785.  Olea 
was  then  in  the  viceregal  secretary's  office  at  the  City 
of  Mexico.  Through  the  kind  offices  of  Mr.  F.  W. 
Hodge,  of  the  Bureau  above  said,  this  manuscript  was 
placed  in  my  hands  April  30,  1898,  with  permission  to 
make  any  use  of  it  I  might  think  proper;  and  I  have 
translated  it  to  form  the  basis  of  the  present  work. 


XVI  INTRODUCTION. 

B.  Diario  del  P.  Garces.  Manuscript,  small  4to, 
8-Hj  X  6y$,  pp.  60  or  leaves  30,  preceded  by  a  leaf  bear- 
ing in  Dr.  Leon's  hand  a  supplied  title  and  some  other 
data;  from  which  it  appears  that  this  copy  was  made 
in  or  for  the  archives  of  the  Convento  de  la  Cruz  de 
Queretaro  by  Padre  Fray  Pablo  de  la  Purisima  Con- 
ception Beaumont,  who  died  in  1779.  It  was  there- 
fore made  Avithin  a  year  or  two  of  Garces'  original  and 
is  authentic  and  genuine,  if  not  official.  The  hand- 
writing is  plain  enough,  but  cramped  and  scratchy,  and 
so  small  that  some  55  lines  go  to  each  page.  This 
manuscript  belongs  (1899)  to  Dr.  Leon,  being  only 
temporarily  in  the  custody  of  Mr.  Hodge,  and  in  my 
hands  for  examination. 

C.  Diario  y  derrotero  que  siguio  el  M.  R.  |  P.  Fr. 
Francisco  Garces  en  su  viaje  he-  \  cho  desde  Octubre 
de  1775  hasta  17  de  \  Setiembre  de  1776,  al  Rio  Colo- 
rado pa-  I  ra  reconocer  las  naciones  que  habit  an  \  sus 
nuir genes,  y  d  los  pueblos  del  Mo-  \  qui  del  Nuevo- 
Me.vico.  I  Being  article  iv.,  pp.  225-374,  of  vol.  I 
of  the  second  series  of  the  work  entitled :  Documentos 
para  la  Historia  de  Mexico,  i2mo,  Mexico,  imprenta 
dc  F.  Escalante  y  Comp.,  calle  de  Cadena  N.  13, 
1854.  This  collection  of  printed  documents  is  well 
known  to  scholars,  extending  to  four  series,  altogether 
some  20  volumes :  but  none  of  them  are  common  now, 
and  the  second  series  is  quite  rare;  I  was  more  than 


INTRODUCTION.  XV11 

a  year  in  laying  hands  on  the  copy  now  before  me, 
with  exceptional  facilities  for  procuring  it.  This  is 
the  only  form  in  which  Garces'  Diario  has  ever  ap- 
peared in  print;  and  it  has  never  before  been  translated 
into  English.  It  has  thus  remained  until  now  prac- 
tically inaccessible.  This  document,  as  printed  from 
some  manuscript  copy  of  the  original  unknown  to  me, 
is  genuine,  but  neither  authentic  nor  official,  as  we  do 
not  know  by  whom  the  manuscript  that  is  printed  was 
made,  nor  for  what  purpose.  The  print  on  very  poor 
paper  is  clear  and  open,  but  the  composition  of  the 
types  was  careless;  it  bristles  with  typographical 
errors,  and  exhibits  all  those  eccentric  frailties  of  punc- 
tuation and  accentuation,  and  perversions  of  proper 
names  of  persons  and  places,  for  which  Mexican  litera- 
ture is  so  justly  celebrated.  It  is  of  course  better 
known  than  either  of  the  other  two  forms  of  the  Diary 
here  described,  and  is  that  form  in  which  Garces  has 
usually  been  quoted,  as  by  Bandelier,  Bancroft,  and 
other  late  writers  on  the  history  of  Sonora,  New 
Mexico,  Arizona,  and  California. 

Comparison  of  the  three  forms  in  which  Garces  has 
thus  reached  me -.shows  such  variants  in  the  verbiage 
that  they  may  almost  be  considered  as  three  different 
versions  of  the  same  story.  The  difference  is  so  great 
that  I  have  no  doubt  Garces  himself  made,  or  caused 
to  be  made,  more  than  one  "  original  "  account  of  his 


XV111  INTRODUCTION. 

journey  of  1775-76.  There  must  have  been  at  least 
two  such  origines,  one  from  which  my  copy  A  was 
made,  and  the  other  the  source  of  the  Beaumont  manu- 
script B,  and  the  printed  C — for  B  and  C  are  much 
closer  in  language  to  each  other  than  either  of  them  is 
to  A.  In  fact,  B  and  C  may  almost  be  said  to  be  para- 
phrases of  A.  Nevertheless,  all  three  versions  are 
genuine;  they  all  tell  the  identical  story  with  substan- 
tial accuracy,  and  agree  in  all  material  particulars — 
barring  their  respective  lapses  in  transcription  of 
names,  dates,  etc.,  or  in  case  of  C,  its  errors  of  the 
types.  It  is  the  exception  rather  than  the  rule  that  all 
three  spell  Indian  names  alike,  and  indeed  each  of 
them  has  its  own  special  variants  in  handling  these 
troublesome  terms.  Each  of  the  three,  furthermore, 
has  many  clauses,  even  some  sentences  or  paragraphs, 
not  found  in  either  of  the  other  two.  Thus  they  are 
mutually  corroborative,  amplificative,  or  corrective. 

Under  these  circumstances,  in  turning  Garces  into 
English,  it  was  of  course  necessary  to  follow  one  of 
the  versions  to  the  exclusion  of  the  others,  and  for  this 
purpose  I  selected  A,  for  various  reasons:  It  was  the 
first  which  came  into  my  hands — in  fact,  I  had  trans- 
lated it  before  I  saw  either  of  the  others.  It  is  some- 
what fuller  or  more  elaborate  than  either  of  the  others, 
the  persons  who  prepared  each  of  the  latter  seem  to 
have  been  more  intent  upon  saying  the  same  thing  in 


INTRODUCTION.  XIX 

fewer  and  often  in  plainer  words,  than  in  "  following 
copy  "  punctually.  Copy  A  is  thus  the  most  perfect 
one  we  possess,  besides  being  the  official  or  archival 
one,  and  the  one  which  nobody  has  hitherto  utilized 
for  any  purpose. 

I  note  here  with  pleasure  the  very  close  concordance 
of  all  three  copies  in  the  matter  of  dates,  and  in  fact 
wherever  figures  are  concerned.  Yet  in  one  notable 
date,  all  three  differ.  This  is  the  date  of  completion  of 
an  original  manuscript.  Copy  A  has  as  colophon  "  Tu- 
butama  y  Enero  3  de  1777 — Fray  Francisco  Garzes." 
Beaumont  (B)  has:  "En  Tubutama.  I.  de  henero  de 
1777.  Fr.  Franc0  Garces."  The  printed  C  has,  p. 
394:  "  Tabutama  y  Enero  30  de  1777. — Fray  Fran- 
cisco Garces."  Hence  we  have  three  different  dates 
and  three  variants  of  the  author's  name.  Again,  the 
initial  date  of  Garces'  Diario  differs  in  copy  A,  which 
gives  October  1,  1776,  as  the  date  on  which  the  author 
went  to  Tubac  to  join  the  expedition;  both  B  and  C 
having  October  21.  I  think  the  latter  is  correct,  as  the 
next  date  in  all  three  copies  is  October  22. 

But  to  pursue  the  subject  of  these  variants  exhaust- 
ively would  take  me  almost  into  their  every  paragraph, 
and  it  could  be  completely  shown  up  only  by  means  of 
the  "  deadly  parallel "  in  triple  column.  Let  me 
simply  repeat  the  statement  that  in  translating  Garces 
/  have  followed  copy  A,  only  bringing  up  in  my  notes 


XX  INTRODUCTION. 

certain  discrepancies  which  seemed  to  require  atten- 
tion, and  in  a  very  few  places  bracketing  in  the  text 
some  insertions  from  B  or  C  of  certain  entries  which 
the  scribe  of  copy  A  accidentally  omitted. 

With  regard  to  the  principles  upon  which  I  have 
done  the  Spanish  into  English,  a  few  words  may  be 
expected  of  me.  Bearing  acutely  in  mind  the  Italian 
saying  that  the  translator  is  the  traducer,  I  have  tried 
my  best  to  prove  an  exception  to  that  rule.  Where  I 
have  wished  to  abuse  my  gentle  and  most  lovable 
author  for  his  fanaticism,  his  bigotry,  his  ecclesiasti- 
cism  (as  they  seem  to  me),  I  have  done  it  in  my  notes; 
in  my  text  always  holding  his  words  themselves  in  a 
sort  of  superstitious  awe  of  my  own,  just  as  he  did  his 
holy  religion.  My  aim  has  been  to  translate  Garces 
literally,  punctually,  even  with  scrupulosity;  to  trans- 
late his  every  word  by  its  nearest  English  equivalent, 
and  to  give  this  word-for-word  revision  as  nearly  in 
the  order  in  which  the  Spanish  words  run  as  English 
idiom  will  admit.  The  result  is,  that  my  translation 
makes  pretty  rough  English,  of  more  use  than  beauty. 
But  it  is  sound,  grammatical  English  for  all  that;  and 
to  my  notion  more  desirable  in  a  case  like  this  than  the 
most  elegant  paraphrase  would  be.  I  knew  that  if  I 
once  gave  myself  a  loose  rein  in  this  matter,  I  should 
never  have  known  where  to  stop;  and  Couesian  Eng- 
lish of  1899,  however  nice  I  might  make  it,  would  fit 


INTRODUCTION.  XXI 

Garces  of  1775-6  as  well  as  a  modern  swallow-tail  coat 
on  a  seedy  friar  of  more  than  a  century  ago.  If  some 
of  the  words  I  have  deliberately  chosen  are  obsolete, 
quaint,  or  otherwise  objectionable,  from  a  certain  point 
of  view — well,  so  is  Garces  obsolete,  and  his  figure  a 
quaint  one,  and  his  appearance  in  the  ragged  robe  he 
wore  would  be  objectionable  on  the  score  of  anach- 
ronism. I  think  I  have  sometimes  strained  English 
idiom  almost  to  the  point  of  rupture  in  my  strenuous 
efforts  to  give  a  word-for-word  version;  but  tours  de 
force  in  the  way  of  twisting  phraseology  are  less  objec- 
tionable than  negligently  wrenching  the  sense  of  the 
original  by  too  free  a  paraphrase. 

Some  will  doubtless  demur  to  the  numerous  Spanish 
phrases  which  I  have  left  in  the  text  in  parentheses. 
But  I  have  some  excuses  to  offer  for  that ;  sometimes  I 
wished  to  support  my  translation  in  this  way;  some- 
times I  wished  to  show  that  I  was  obliged  by  English 
idiom  to  turn  the  phraseology  slightly;  in  some  rare 
instances  I  felt  a  little  dubious  of  myself  and  wished 
to  give  the  reader  a  chance  to  judge  whether  I  trans- 
lated correctly  or  otherwise;  besides,  I  desired  to  give 
him  a  great  many  examples  of  my  author's  own  ver- 
biage. Some  will  find  occasion  to  demur  that  I  have 
not  always  translated  my  author — that  I  have  left  too 
many  Spanish  words  untranslated,  like  rancheria, 
pueblo,    laguna,    pozo,    arroyo,    rio,    caxon,    canada, 


XX11  INTRODUCTION. 

mesa,  cerro,  picacho,  sierra,  entrada.  To  such  a  de- 
murrer I  have  no  reply  to  make,  for  it  is  not  worth  my 
while  to  mind  such  things.  There  is  one  point  about 
my  work  with  which  any  critic  who  desires  may  find  as 
much  fault  as  he  pleases;  that  is,  my  apparent  attitude 
of  indifference  to  niceties  of  Spanish  punctuation;  for 
he  will  do  well  if  he  can  find  at  my  pen's  point  more 
irregularity  or  discrepancy  or  indifference  than  I  can 
show  him  in  the  manuscript  upon  which  I  worked,  or 
than  exists,  in  fact,  in  most  Spanish  documents,  printed 
or  handwritten,  of  Garces'  time.  To  my  limited  vision 
the  use  of  accents  in  Spanish  seems  a  freakish  thing, 
and  very  largely  an  affair  of  grammatical  superero- 
gation; it  is  al'most  al'ways  a  mat'ter  of  in'dicating 
enuncia'tion  or  stress  of  voice,  not  pronunciation,  as 
in  the  sentences  I  have  just  penned,  and  ordinarily 
quite  as  superfluous,  as  few  things  in  this  changeable 
world  are  less  variable  than  the  actual  quality  of 
Spanish  vowels.  Most  of  my  apparent  sinning  in  this 
respect  will  be  found,  on  sufficient  examination,  to  be 
due  to  the  singular  fidelity  with  which  I  reproduce  the 
Spanish  texts  which  I  have  occasion  to  quote;  and 
therefore,  a  criticaster  would  waste  his  time  in  abusing 
me  for  not  being  holier  than  the  Pope. 

There  is  another  point  in  which  I  pride  myself  on 
being  scrupulous  even  to  scrupulosity,  and  that  is,  the 
rendering  of  all  proper  names,  whether  of  persons  or 


INTRODUCTION.  ,  XXlll 

places,  precisely  as  they  occur  in  the  Spanish.  I  think 
that  translation  of  such  terms  is  bad — very  bad,  repre- 
hensible, and  a  nuisance.  I  should  not  like  to  figure 
at  the  hands  of  some  Spaniard  yet  unborn  as  Elioto 
Vacas  or  Bacas,  and  why  should  I  take  such  a  liberty? 
So  if  Garces  chooses  to  call  a  place  the  Laguna  de 
Santa  Olaya  or  Pueblo  de  la  Purisima  Concepcion  de 
la  Virgen  Santisima,  such  is  the  name  of  such  place, 
and  it  is  none  of  our  business  to  call  it  Saint  Eulalie's 
lagoon  or  the  Village  of  the  Immaculate  Concep- 
tion of  the  Most  Holy  Virgin.  Once  more:  if  our 
author  comes  to  a  place  which  he  calls  Oraibe,  Oraibi, 
Oraybe,  Oraive,  Oreyve,  etc.,  with  cheerful  indiffer- 
ence, why  are  we  restricted  to  one  of  these  terms? 
There  was  no  fixed  spelling  in  his  day,  all  these  forms 
are  equally  serviceable,  and  I  follow  copy  in  my  own 
use  of  them.  Garces'  own  name  reaches  us  in  five 
forms  or  more,  if  we  count  the  accent  or  its  absence  as 
determining  a  form;  and  though  I  have  selected  the 
one  of  these  for  my  own  use  which  he  seems  to  have 
used  himself,  yet  in  quoting  his  biographer,  Arricivita, 
I  use  Garzes. 

One  who  should  take  exception  to  any  of  the  points 
above  mooted  would  betray  to  anyone  familiar  with 
the  vagaries  of  Spanish  documentary  history  the  fact 
that  he  knew  nothing  about  them. 

Of  the  high  historical  value  of  the  Diary  of  Garces 


XXIV  INTRODUCTION. 

there  can  be  no  adverse  opinions  among  those  qualified 
to  judge  of  such  matters;  and  this  narrative  of  adven- 
ture will  have  all  the  charm  of  novelty  to  most  per- 
sons, to  whom  even  the  Spanish  print  is  inaccessible 
for  the  double  reason  of  its  foreign  tongue  and  its 
scarceness,  while  the  manuscripts  are  unknown  except 
to  special  students.  Therefore  the  desirability  of  this 
readily  available  English  version  is  obvious.  Yet  the 
Diary  without  amplification,  explanation,  and  illustra- 
tion would  be  a  riddle  solvable  only  by  one  who  would 
be  more  able  and  willing  than  most  readers  to  give 
heed  to  it.  Garces  requires  to  be  interpreted  to  a 
generation  which  wots  not  of  this  martyr  missionary, 
and  has  no  adequate  notion  of  his  time,  place,  and  cir- 
cumstance. The  longest  known  corner  of  the  United 
States  seems  to  me  to  be  the  least  generally  known  of 
all.  To  most  persons  Arizona  is  a  vague  name  of  a 
place  in  which  there  is  a  great  chasm  called  the  Grand 
Canon  of  the  Colorado,  and  where  some  strange  In- 
dians live  like  ants  in  a  hill  in  places  called  pueblos. 
Again,  what  of  California  to  the  average  person,  over 
the  Sierra  Nevada,  away  from  the  populous  parts? 
Nothing — and  in  fact  there  is  little  but  a  howling 
wilderness  to-day  in  the  parts  adjoining  Arizona; 
though  this  desert  is  traversed  by  two  railroads,  it  has 
not  otherwise  changed  much  in  the  last  century.  As 
for  Sonora,  nobody  seems  to  know  much  about   it, 


INTRODUCTION.  XXV 

though  a  considerable  slice  of  what  was  Sonora  in 
Garces'  time  now  belongs  to  the  United  States,  being 
all  that  portion  of  Arizona  which  lies  south  of  the  Gila. 
There  could  hardly  be  a  better  introduction  to  a  con- 
siderable amount  of  United  States  history  than  such  a 
knowledge  of  its  southwestern  corner  as  the  Diary  of 
Garces  affords. 

In  1775-76,  when  our  author  traveled  so  far  in  all 
the  regions  just  said,  all  that  part  of  Arizona  which 
was  not  Sonora  was  New  Mexico.  There  was  not  a 
white  man  in  Arizona,  excepting  two  or  three  hand- 
fuls  of  them  in  some  Spanish  forts  or  mines  along 
what  is  now  its  southern  border;  Tubac  and  Tucson 
were  the  uttermost  white  settlements.  Over  most  of 
the  land  roamed  the  Apache,  the  terror  of  all  whites 
and  of  most  Indians  in  all  that  country.  In  the  region 
of  the  Gila,  where  slender  crops  could  be  raised,  were 
the  sedentary  tribes  of  the  Pimas,  Papagoes  and  Mari- 
copas,  not  very  different  from  what  they  are  to-day. 
All  along  the  Colorado,  from  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of 
California  to  the  Grand  Canon,  were  a  series  of  tribes 
of  Yuman  stock,  and  a  little  one  of  them  lived  as  it 
does  to-day,  apart  at  the  bottom  of  that  hole  in  the 
ground  now  known  as  Cataract  Canon.  Nearest  these 
last,  eastward,  were  the  Hopis  or  Moquis  in  their  sev- 
eral pueblos  on  adjacent  mesas,  almost  identical 
with  their  present  positions.     Beyond  them  on  the  east 


XXVI  INTRODUCTION. 

and  a  little  to  the  south,  just  over  the  border  of  Ari- 
zona in  modern  New  Mexico,  were  the  Zunis,  in  the 
very  pueblo  and  on  the  identical  spot  they  now  occupy. 
All  beyond  these  Moquis  to  the  north  was  the  still  un- 
fathomed  Northern  Mystery  of  which  only  short 
glimpses  had  been  had  till  Escalante  in  the  same  year 
pushed  on  from  Santa  Fe  to  discover  Utah  Lake,  and 
swung  around  home  across  the  Grand  Canon,  then  first 
traversed,  although  not  first  seen,  by  a  white  man. 
And  what  of  our  California  on  the  west  of  Arizona? 
There  was  not  a  white  man  in  it,  aside  from  the  five 
missions  thus  far  established  (1769-72)  on  or  near 
the  coast,  unless  it  were  some  fugitive  soldier  who  had 
deserted  his  post.  The  purpose  of  Anza's  expedition 
which  now  journeyed  thither  was  to  add  one  to  these 
missionary  settlements,  and  it  was  added, — the  germ 
of  the  present  metropolis  at  the  Golden  Gate  of  the 
Pacific. 

Garces  had  been  the  year  before  across  the  California 
desert  as  far  as  San  Gabriel,  and  what  he  saw  seemed 
to  influence  his  zeal  for  the  salvation  of  souls,  as  well 
as  to  inspire  his  mind  with  a  desire  to  achieve  the  more 
practical  result  of  opening  a  way  between  Santa  Fe  on 
the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte  and  the  new  establishments 
on  the  Pacific  coast.  He  was  not  to  go  to  San  Fran- 
cisco, but  to  wander  elsewhere,  covering  several  hun- 
dred leagues  without  a  white  companion,  relying  upon 


INTRODUCTION.  XXV11 

Indians  to  show  him  the  way  he  wished  or  was  obliged 
to  go.  His  peregrinations  extended  farther  than  those 
of  any  other  missionary  of  his  day  who  went  unat- 
tended. His  loneliness  reached  a  pathetic  climax  at 
Moqui,  his  farthermost  point,  where  those  he  loved 
and  had  come  so  far  to  save  from  perdition  would  have 
none  of  him  or  his  religion,  gave  him  nothing  to  eat 
or  a  place  to  lay  his  head,  and  turned  him  out  of  town 
between  two  days. 

If  we  follow  Garces  in  his  adventures  we  shall 
learn  much,  and  among  other  things  to  love  the  char- 
acter of  the  man.  Garces  was  a  true  soldier  of  the 
cross,  neither  greater  nor  lesser  than  thousands  of 
other  children  of  the  church,  seeking  the  bubble  of  sal- 
vation at  the  price  of  the  martyr's  crown;  his  was  not 
his  own  life,  but  that  of  God  who  gave  it.  Better  than 
all  that,  perhaps,  this  humble  priest,  like  Abou  ben 
Adhem,  was  one  who  loved  his  fellow  men.  It  made 
him  sick  at  heart  to  see  so  many  of  them  going  to  hell 
for  lack  of  the  three  drops  of  water  he  would  sprinkle 
over  them  if  they  would  let  him  do  so.  I  repeat  it — 
Garces,  like  Jesus,  so  loved  his  fellow  men  that  he  was 
ready  to  die  for  them.  What  more  could  a  man  do — 
and  what  were  danger,  suffering,  hardship,  privation, 
in  comparison  with  the  glorious  reward  of  labor  in  the 
vineyard  of  the  Lord?  This  is  true  religion,  of  what- 
ever sect  or  denomination,  called  by  whatever  name. 


XXviii  INTRODUCTION. 

So  Garces  followed  the  example  of  his  master  whither- 
soever it  led  him,  in  these  years  of  1775-76,  and  there- 
after till  1781,  when  some  of  those  he  loved  and  sought 
to  save  fell  upon  him  with  clubs  and  beat  him  to  death. 
It  is  a  sad  story;  all  the  sadder  does  it  seem  to  us  now, 
when  we  can  see  how  utterly  senseless  were  the 
methods  employed  for  the  most  noble  and  holy  pur- 
poses, how  utterly  futile  the  results.  But  it  does  not 
lessen  our  respect  for  the  man,  that  he,  like  his  Indians, 
was  the  victim  of  the  most  pernicious,  most  immoral, 
and  most  detestable  system  of  iniquity  the  world  has 
ever  seen — that  Spanish  combination  of  misionero  and 
conquistador  which  had  for  its  avowed  and  vaunted 
end  the  reduction  of  Indian  tribes  to  the  catechism  of 
the  church  and  the  vassalage  of  the  throne. 

But  I  should  not  preach  a  sermon  by  way  of  preface 
to  these  new  volumes  of  the  American  Explorer  Series. 
Those  who  are  interested  in  stories  of  adventure,  in 
historical  materials  such  as  these,  will  read  the  book, 
and  form  their  own  opinion  both  of  the  author  and 
his  editor,  and  of  the  scenes  of  the  former's  life-work. 
I  think  such  things  are  worth  doing,  therefore  I  do 
them,  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge  and  ability,  sparing 
nothing  to  set  them  forth  in  their  clearest  light.  If  I 
could  venture  to  agree  even  a  little  with  some  of  my 
most  partial  friends,  who  think  I  have  any  genius,  I 
should  think  that,  if  so,  it  is  simply  the  genius  of  hard 


INTRODUCTION.  XXIX 

work — which  I  suppose  amounts  to  an  ability  to  hold 
clown  the  chair  at  my  desk  for  long  periods  and 
capacity  for  taking  great  pains  with  every  detail  of  the 
work  I  have  in  hand.  The  general  character  of  the 
commentary  or  annotation  I  have  put  upon  Garces  is 
the  same  as  that  in  my  previous  works,  which  are  now 
so  many  that  little  requires  to  be  said;  but  I  may  add 
that  in  this  instance  I  have  very  special  interest  in  the 
subject-matter,  having  resided  in  Arizona  at  three 
widely  separated  intervals  (1864-65,  1880-81,  1892), 
traveled  over  most  of  the  territory,  especially  off  the 
present  lines  of  rails,  and  trailed  nearly  all  of  Garces' 
routes,  both  in  Arizona  and  California.  I  am  there- 
fore exceptionally  familiar  with  his  lines  of  travel 
and  the  scenes  he  witnessed.  In  this  matter  of  anno- 
tating my  author  I  have  had  the  valued  and  valuable 
assistance  of  Mr.  F.  W.  Hodge  of  the  Bureau  of 
American  Ethnology,  who  has  placed  his  knowledge 
of  Indian  tribes  at  my  service,  and  to  whom  I  have 
practically  turned  over  the  ethnological  as  distin- 
guished from  the  geographical  and  historical  aspects 
of  the  subject  in  hand.  His  numerous  notes  bear  his 
initials,  and  I  am  sure  add  much  to  the  interest  these 
volumes  may  be  found  to  possess.  I  am  further  in- 
debted to  Mr.  Hodge  for  much  bibliographical  infor- 
mation, and  he  has  read  the  proof-sheets  with  me,  so 
that  I  have  had  the  benefit  of  his  intelligent  scrutiny 


XXX  INTRODUCTION. 

throughout.  I  have  also  to  thank  Col.  F.  F.  Hilder  of 
the  same  Bureau,  Mr.  Will.  M.  Tipton  and  Mr.  H.  O. 
Flipper  of  the  United  States  Court  of  Private  Land 
Claims  at  Santa  Fe,  and  Mr.  Jose  Segura,  ex-librarian 
of  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico,  whose  familiarity 
with  the  Spanish  language  is  greater  or  at  any  rate 
more  workable  than  my  own,  for  aid  in  any  case  in 
which  I  felt  a  doubt  that  I  had  rendered  my  author  with 
entire  fidelity.  Under  these  circumstances,  it  is  hoped 
that  errors  of  fact  may  be  few ;  though  no  work  of  this 
kind  can  be  quite  free  from  them. 

I  notice  in  the  editorial  Introduction  to  the  Docu- 
mentos  already  cited  a  paragraph  so  apt  to  the  present 
case  that  I  will  transcribe  it,  in  conclusion : 

"  La  generalidad  de  los  lectores  encontrara  estas 
paginas  f rias  y  enfadosas :  asi  es  la  verdad ;  pero,  pre- 
ferimos  al  deleite  pasajero,  el  provecho  que  de  aqui 
podra  sacar  para  cosas  de  importancia." 

Elliott  Coues. 

Washington,  D.  C. 

November,  i8gq. 


BIOGRAPHY   OF  GARCES. 

The  work  entitled:  Cronica  Serafica  y  Apostolica 
del  Colegio  de  Propaganda  Fide  de  la  Santa  Cruz  de 
Queretaro  en  la  Nueva  Espana,  escrita  por  el  P.  Fr. 
Juan  Domingo  Arricivita,  Secunda  Parte,  en  Mexico, 
ano  de  1792,  Libro  Quarto,  Capitulo  xvi,  pp.  540- 
574,  "  Gloriosa  muerte  con  que  el  P.  Fr.  Francisco 
Garzes  corono  sus  apostolicas  tareas,  muriendo  a 
manos  de  los  barbaros  que  con  grandes  trabajos  tenia 
conqvistados,"  furnishes  the  data  for  our  biographical 
purposes,  though  it  is  rather  a  eulogy  of  the  martyr 
than  the  life  of  a  man,  besides  being  too  theological 
for  practical  consideration,  and  thus  requiring 
abridgment  in  the  following  free  translation  which 
I  make: 

Precious  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord  is  the  death  of 
the  just,  for  it  is  not  the  lot  of  all,  derived  from  our 
first  father,  Adam,  but  a  very  glorious  gift  of  divine 
love,  like  unto  that  which  our  Redeemer  Jesus  Christ 
suffered  for  the  love  of  man.     Wherefore  whenever 


2  BIOGRAPHY    OF    GARCES. 

incomprehensible  Providence  predestines  anyone  to 
the  exalted  function  of  the  salvation  of  souls,  him 
doth  He  adorn  with  the  qualities  which  from  the  be- 
ginning of  his  life  carry  him  on  to  the  end,  that  his 
death  may  be  precious  in  the  divine  presence.  Thus 
appeared  to  be  directed  the  life  of  Padre  Fray  Fran- 
cisco Garzes,  for  from  his  earliest  years  he  gave  con- 
stant proofs  of  the  ardent  love  he  bore  to  God  and 
of  the  fervid  zeal  with  which  he  solicited  the  welfare 
of  souls. 

He  was  born  in  the  Villa  de  Morata  del  Conde,  in 
the  Reyno  de  Aragon,  on  the  12th  of  April,  1738,  and 
baptized  next  day,  receiving  the  names  of  Francisco 
Tomas  Hermenegildo,  of  which  he  acquitted  himself 
in  his  life  and  in  his  death,  since  he  was  a  disciple  of 
San  Francisco  professing  his  rule,  imitated  Santo 
Tomas  in  entering  the  Indias  to  promulgate  the  Holy 
Evangel,  and  died  like  San  Hermenegildo  in  giving 
up  his  life  for  Jesucristo.  His  parents  were  Juan 
Garzes  and  Antonia  Maestro;  but  seeing  the  inclina- 
tion of  the  child  for  sacred  things,  his  early  education 
was  intrusted  to  an  uncle,  named  Mosen  Domingo 
Garzes,  curate  of  the  same  city;  profiting  by  whose 
example  and  teaching,  he  had  hardly  completed  his 
fifteenth  year  when  he  sought  holy  orders  in  the 
saintly  and  conventual  Province  of  Aragon,  where  he 
made  his  profession  with  the  approbation  of  the  Re- 


HIS    EARLY    LIFE.  3 

ligious.  The  prelates  soon  set  him  to  his  studies,  and 
having  been  approved  in  philosophy  he  was  sent  to 
the  convent  of  the  Ciudad  de  Calatayud  to  study 
sacred  theology.  In  this  he  reaped  fruits  not  only 
to  his  own  advantage,  but  also  to  that  of  those  about 
him;  and  there  began  to  scintillate  the  rays  which 
divine  love  kindled  in  his  heart  of  that  zeal  with  which 
he  was  to  announce  in  this  new  world  and  to  every 
creature  the  Holy  Evangel. 

It  was  customary  in  this  convent  to  take  the  stu- 
dents walking  in  the  fields  for  freedom  of  debate,  and 
in  these  outings  Padre  Garzes  would  leave  his  con- 
disciples  to  seek  poor  laborers,  and  with  the  suavity 
natural  to  his  genius  and  with  smooth  words  would 
he  propound  and  explain  to  them  the  divine  mys- 
teries and  catholic  truths.  Among  others  who  had 
the  benefit  of  this  was  a  poor  potter  who  made  tiles, 
and  was  pleased  to  listen  to  the  student  as  if  he  were 
an  oracle.  The  potter  fell  seriously  sick,  and  being 
told  to  prepare  himself  to  receive  the  holy  sacraments, 
said  that  he  would  confess  to  no  one  but  Padre 
Garzes.    .   . 

Having  finished  his  studies,  and  been  ordained  in 
the  priesthood,  at  25  years  of  age,  his  heart  was 
moved  by  the  desire  to  be  of  use  to  others;  so  that  he 
begged  with  insistency  to  be  admitted  among  the 
number  of  the  missionaries  who  were  just  then  being 


4  BIOGRAPHY    OF    GARCES. 

collected  for  the  Colegio  de  la  Santa  Cruz  de 
Queretaro  and  its  missions  to  the  infidels.  No 
sooner  had  he  received  his  commission  and  shown  it 
to  his  prelates  than  he  went  on  foot  to  Madrid,  rely- 
ing on  divine  providence  for  his  daily  bread.  There 
came  with  him  Padre  Fray  Juan  Crysostomo  Gil,  who 
was  also  listed  for  this  mission,  and  their  hearts  were 
one  in  making  their  spiritual  devotions,  Garzes  re- 
maining in  all  things  obedient  to  the  directions  of 
Gil,  under  which  he  gave  himself  up  with  great  fervor 
to  prayer,  mortification,  and  seclusion  from  the  world, 
persevering  in  this  holy  union  until  his  arrival  at  the 
college. 

Padre  Garzes  entered  therein  in  1763,  at  the  age  of 
28  [sic].  From  the  first  he  was  diligent  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  choir  and  other  offices  of  the  community, 
and  in  such  other  tasks  as  he  could  perform  in  fulfill- 
ment of  the  apostolic  ministry.  As  he  could  not  con- 
fess women  on  account  of  his  youth,  he  was  inde- 
fatigable in  the  claustrum  with  continual  confessions 
of  men,  dedicating  himself  with  particular  application 
to  those  of  boys.  .  .  Such  notable  zeal  pointed  the 
padre  out  as  fit  for  graver  things  for  which  the  Lord 
destined  him  in  teaching  rude  and  ignorant  gentiles; 
and  for  this  purpose  was  he  one  of  the  first  mission- 
aries who  in  1767  begged  the  prelate  of  the  college 
for  the  missions  of  Sonora.     He  obediently  went  with 


HE   GOES   TO   SAN    XAVIER   DEL   BAC.  5 

the  others  to  Tepique,  and  there  applied  himself  to 
apostolic  ministry  during  the  three  months  they 
awaited  transportation  by  boat.  On  Jan.  20,  1768, 
they  embarked  at  the  Puerto  de  San  Bias,  and  pres- 
ently the  sea  gave  them  sensible  proofs  of  its  bitter- 
ness; the  waves  rose,  the  winds  blew  furiously,  and  the 
navigators  were  put  in  fear  of  immediate  shipwreck. 
Three  and  a  half  stormy  months  passed,  and  though 
some  ports  were  made,  Padre  Garzes  never  lost  cour- 
age, but  stayed  on  the  ship  till  he  reached  the  Puerto 
de  Guaymas. 

All  the  missionaries  together  went  to  the  Presidio 
de  Horcasitas,  and  in  the  distributions  of  missions 
which  the  governor  made  Padre  Garzes  was  assigned 
to  San  Xavier  del  Bac,  distant  20  leagues  from  the 
Presidio  de  Tubac;1  this  was  the  northernmost,  and 
consequently   least   defended   against   the   continual 

1  Garces  arrived  at  Bac  on  June  30,  1768.  This  date  is  given 
in  the  first  one  of  four  letters  which  he  wrote  from  Bac  in  1768- 
69,  and  which  are  printed  in  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de 
Mexico,  4th  series,  vol.  ii,  pp.  365-377  (Mexico,  1856).  They 
contain  nothing  remarkable,  but  may  be  here  noted:  1.  Letter 
dated  July  29,  1768,  to  Sr.  D.  Juan  Bautista  de  Anza;  in  this 
Garces'  arrival  at  Bac  is  given,  as  just  said.  2.  Letter  to  Sr. 
Gobernador  Don  Juan  de  Pineda,  of  same  date.  3.  Letter  to 
the  same,  dated  Feb.  21,  1769.  4.  Letter  to  the  same,  dated 
July  23,  1769.  A  full  descriptive  and  historical  note  on  Bac, 
and  one  on  Tubac,  are  given  beyond.  The  distance  between 
these  two  places  is  nothing  like  the  20  leagues  said  by  Arricivita. 


6  BIOGRAPHY   OF   GARCfeS. 

cruel  incursions  of  the  Apaches  on  the  frontier.  Not 
less  hostile  to  health  and  life  are  the  natural  condi- 
tions of  climate,  for  the  water  is  alkaline  and  the  air 
is  constipating,  so  that  all  who  go  there  to  live  are 
subject  to  very  severe  chills  and  fevers,  of  which  many 
die,  and  those  who  survive  are  reduced  to  skeletons; 
consequently  the  Indians  flee  for  refuge  to  the  mis- 
sion. Nor  was  the  extreme  poverty  in  which  the 
padre  found  the  mission  less  forbidding,  for  there  was 
nothing  in  it  for  him  to  get  along  with  even  in 
penury.  Yet  nothing  daunted  the  spirit  of  the  new 
missionary;  for  in  self-forgetfulness  he  sought  only 
the  spiritual  welfare  of  those  neophytes  and  gentiles, 
thinking  nothing  of  perils,  toils,  and  sicknesses. 

Such  zeal  was  the  admiration  of  the  Indians.  .  . 
All  those  of  Pimeria  Alta  venerated  him  as  an  oracle, 
and  his  fame  reached  the  neighboring  gentiles,  called 
Papagos,  .  .  .  who  extended  it  to  the  Pimas  of  the 
Gila,  to  whom  he  had  sent  many  loving  messages,  in 
consequence  of  which  the  principal  chiefs  came  to 
make  his  acquaintance.  He  showed  them  how  highly 
he  appreciated  their  visit,  did  all  he  could  for  them, 
and  informed  them  of  his  desire  to  go  to  their  lands 
and  communicate  with  their  people.  Pleased  with 
this,  they  promised  to  speak  to  their  whole  nation, 
and  send  guides  to  conduct  him  thither.  In  fact  they 
did  send  four,  with  whom,  without  any  escort  or  sup- 


HIS    EARLY    ENTRADAS.  7 

ply  of  food,  he  left  his  mission  in  August,  1768,  and 
entering  the  largest  rancherias  announced  peace  with 
God,  telling  them  of  the  divine  mysteries  and  attri- 
butes, and  peace  with  the  king  our  lord,  who  wished 
to  confer  many  benefits  upon  them,  if  they  would  be- 
come Christians.  On  this  first  entrada  2  he  estab- 
tablished  friendly  relations  with  the  innumerable  In- 
dians who  inhabit  both  banks  of  the  Gila. 

The  following  year  of  1769,  at  the  time  of  the 
Apache  campaign,  he  entered  their  country,  and  ob- 
served various  nations,  of  whom  there  were  not  a  few 
in  his  village.  The  visitador  general  reported  upon 
the  means  of  preventing  the  bloody  irruptions  of 
those  barbarians.  In  1770  God  sent  an  epidemic  of 
diarrhea  and  measles  to  the  rancherias  of  the  Gila, 
of  which  many  died,  especially  children;  and  the 
padre,  being  advised  that  among  the  sick  there  was 
an  Indian  woman,  determined  to  go  to  her  assist- 
ance and  to  gratify  the  Indians  who  importuned  him 
to  baptize  their  little  ones.  This  was  a  journey  of 
90  leagues  (GarceY  second  entrada). 

In  1771,  believing  that  the  founding  of  missions 
had  already  been  decreed,  he  undertook  to  go  to  pre- 
pare the  Indians  for  this,  and  reached  the  Rio  Colo- 
rado,   where    the    Yumas    received    him    with    joy. 

1  For  GarceY  first,  second,  third,  and  fourth  entradas  see  in 
further  detail  beyond. 


8  BIOGRAPHY   OF   GARC^S. 

Thence  he  descended  to  the  disemboguement  of  the 
river  in  the  sea  and  to  the  lands  of  the  Quiquimas, 
crossed  the  river  on  rafts,  and  visited  many  peoples, 
making  peace  among  them,  and  in  two  months  and 
20  days  traveled  more  than  300  leagues  (Garces'  third 
entrada). 

On  Jan.  2  [read  8],  1774,  he  left  Tubac  with  the 
expedition  which  was  to  open  communication  be- 
tween Sonora  and  Monterey,  and  having  reached  the 
mission  of  San  Gabriel  returned  to  the  Colorado  river 
to  search  the  minds  of  the  Indians  and  discover  a 
way  to  New  Mexico;  for  which  purpose  he  visited 
many  nations,  and  did  not  return  to  his  mission  till 
toward  the  end  of  September  (Garces'  fourth  en- 
trada). 

In  September,  1775,3  he  went  to  join  the  new  expe- 
dition to  the  Puerto  de  San  Francisco,  from  which  he 
separated  on  Dec.  5,  and  alone  visited  the  nations  of 
the  Rio  Colorado  down  to  its  disemboguement  in  the 
sea,  until  Jan.  3,  1776.  On  Feb.  14  he  started  north 
[from  Yuma],  and  with  incredible  difficulty  went 
through  very  barbarous  nations  until  he  reached  the 
Noches.  Thence  he  proceeded  to  Moqui,  and  hav- 
ing come  back  through  the  Pimas  reached  his  mission 

'  This  brings  us  to  Garces'  fifth  entrada,  which  forms  the  main 
body  of  the  present  work.  Nevertheless,  I  present  Arricivita's 
summary  here.     His  "  September"  is  one  month  out:  see  p.  63. 


HIS   LATER    ENTRADAS.  9 

of  Bac  Sept.  17,  1776,  having  been  gone  altogether 
eleven  months  and  four  days  [read  10  months  and  27 
days],  in  which  he  traveled  upward  of  900  leagues, 
and  saw  more  than  25,000  Indians  [?]. 

About  the  end  of  August,  1779,  he  went  by  order 
of  the  comandante  general  to  the  Colorado.  Find- 
ing the  Indians  much  changed,  he  counseled  them  in 
their  inquietude,  and  advised  them  what  was  neces- 
sary to  avert  evil  consequences.  But  his  advice  was 
rejected,  and  when  he  took  some  unusual  means  of 
bringing  them  to  vassalage,  they  raised  the  war  cry 
and  all  was  lost.  From  the  moment  that  the  padre 
arrived  he  knew  that  the  rebels  had  urged  upon  the 
others  to  kill  the  priests;  and  in  the  ten  months  dur- 
ing which  the  uprising  was  delayed,  and  whilst  he 
was  aware  that  the  rebellion  was  daily  becoming  more 
serious,  he  might  have  avoided  death  justifiably  by 
escaping  from  the  incessant  danger  in  which  he  was 
placed.  But  his  life  was  Christ,  and  to  die  was  to  be 
his  reward.  Life  and  death  he  regarded  as  equally 
good  for  his  soul.  For,  if  his  life  should  be  spared  in 
the  revolt  of  the  Indians,  with  his  life  would  he  pay 
the  debt  he  owed  to  the  Lord;  if  he  should  die  therein, 
in  this  way  would  he  go  to  his  reward,  shedding  his 
sacrificial  blood;  so  he  neither  feared  death  nor 
sought  to  save  his  life.  If  the  Master  should  not  per- 
mit them  to  kill  him,  his  whole  life  was  to  be  em- 


10  BIOGRAPHY    OF    GARCES. 

ployed  in  his  apostolic  ministry  and  in  preaching  the 
Gospel;  if  it  were  His  holy  will  that  he  should  lose  his 
life,  he  would  go  straight  to  glory  (de  repcnte  lograri-a 
verle  en  la  Gloria),  and  be  freed  from  all  the  calamities 
of  this  life.   .   . 

The  remainder  of  Arricivita's  eulogy  proceeds  in 
similar  vein,  with  merely  a  reference  to  the  tragedy 
of  July  17-19,  1781,  in  which  Garces  and  three  other 
priests  were  slain,  together  with  almost  all  the  other 
white  men  of  the  two  mission-colonies  which  had 
been  established  on  the  Colorado,  one  at  Yuma,  and 
the  other  a  few  miles  lower  down.  For  details  of  the 
massacre  we  turn  to  Arricivita's  chap.  ix.  of  the  same 
Fourth  Book,  entitled:  Furiosa  rebelion  de  los  Yu- 
mas :  matan  a  los  quatro  Padres,  Soldados  y  Pobla- 
dores,  y  cautivan  a  sus  hijos  y  mugeres.  This  I  will 
give  in  part,  in  so  far  as  relates  to  the  actual  event. 
But  first  for  some  of  the  circumstances  leading  up  to 
the  catastrophe  which  so  soon  followed  upon  the 
founding  of  these  two  settlements,  mainly  derived 
from  Arricivita's  two  preceding  chapters. 

The  missions  of  Pimeria  Alta  were  in  a  sad  state 
in  1776;  but  the  viceroy,  Bucareli,  had  made  arrange- 
ments for  the  founding  of  missions  on  the  Gila  and 
Colorado,  under  the  protection  of  the  presidios  of 
Buena  Vista  and  Horcasitas,  which  were  to  be  trans- 


PALMA    APPEARS    ON    THE    SCENE.  II 

ferred  to  those  rivers.  It  was  to  this  end  that  during 
Anza's  expedition  of  1775-76  Garces  and  his  com- 
panion Eisarc  were  left  on  the  Colorado  to  try  the 
temper  of  the  natives  for  the  catechism  and  vassalage 
of  the  king.  When  Anza  was  again  on  the  Colorado, 
in  May,  1776,  he  found  Eisarc  well  fixed  at  Yuma, 
but  could  learn  nothing  of  Garces — very  naturally, 
as  the  latter  was  just  then  afar  in  California.  Anza 
returned  to  Horcasitas  June  1,  1776.  He  was  ac- 
companied by  Eisarc,  who  drops  out  of  the  story  at 
this  point;  and  also  by  the  Yuma  chief,  one  Captain 
Palma,  together  with  a  brother  of  his,  one  Captain 
Pablo,  a  son  of  the  latter,  and  a  Cajuenche  Indian. 
These  four  Indians  Anza  took  on  to  the  City  of  Mex- 
ico, where  they  were  handsomely  entertained,  etc., 
as  elsewhere  narrated.  Palma  in  particular  was  so 
impressed  that  he  sought  holy  baptism  and  received 
it  under  the  name  of  San  Salvador;  and  he  also 
begged  that  padres  might  be  sent  to  his  nation  to 
instruct  them  in  Christian  doctrine.  Bucareli  ap- 
pears to  have  been  not  less  pleased  with  Palma's  un- 
equivocal evidences  of  sincerity,  and  all  things  seemed 
highly  promising. 

Garces  was  still  off  on  his  peregrinations,  not  re- 
turning to  Bac  till  Sept.  17,  1776,  and  being  unable 
to  send  to  His  Excellency  the  desired  reports,  including 
ing  his  diary  and  Font's  map,  till  January,  1777.     He 


12  BIOGRAPHY   OF   GARCES. 

favored  the  project  of  establishing  the  new  missions, 
but  it  was  brought  to  a  standstill  by  some  new  ar- 
rangements the  King  of  Spain  had  ordered  for  the 
government  of  the  Provincias  Internas,  by  the  crea- 
tion of  a  comandante  general  independent  of  the 
viceroy.  Don  Teodoro  de  Croix  received  this  ap- 
pointment, and  affairs  of  the  provinces  passed  into 
the  hands  of  new  officials  who  were  ignorant  in  the 
most  important  particulars. 

Palma  was  still  in  Mexico  when  the  new  command- 
ing general  arrived.  Anza  was  soon  appointed 
governor  of  New  Mexico,  and  thus  the  services  of 
this  sagacious  and  experienced  officer  were  lost  to 
the  particular  matter  with  which  we  are  here  con- 
cerned. Bucareli  commended  Palma  to  Croix,  and 
some  understanding  between  the  viceroy  and  the  new 
general  was  reached,  whereby  Croix  gave  Palma  his 
word  that  he  would  soon  arrange  for  padres  and  other 
Spaniards  to  settle  among  the  Yumas,  and  macle 
some  other  promises  which  aftenvard  gave  the  padres 
much  trouble.  Whereupon  Palma  departed  much 
pleased,  as  already  said. 

Among  the  diaries  and  other  documents,  there  was 
delivered,  by  order  of  His  Excellency,  to  the  com- 
manding general  a  letter  of  Garces'.4      To  this  the 

4  Evidently  relating  to  his  disagreeable  experiences  with  the 
commanding  officer  of  Monterey,  as  fully  set  forth  in  his  Diary 
at  date  of  Mar.  24,  1776,  which  see,  beyond. 


CROIX    IN    COMMAND.  13 

general  replied  from  Mexico  in  March,  1777,  saying 
that  he  ordered  the  commandant  of  Monterey  to  treat 
kindly  any  Indians  who  might  come  to  those  estab- 
lishments from  the  Rio  Colorado.  The  treatment 
which  had  been  ordered  in  such  cases  was  a  matter 
which  had  moved  Garces  to  protest,  and  excited  fears 
amply  justified  by  the  event;  for  it  seems  to  have  been 
one  of  the  factors  in  the  insurrection  of  the  Yumas 
and  the  dreadful  massacre  in  which  it  ended.  The 
commanding  general  also  said  in  his  reply  that  as  to 
the  projected  transfer  of  the  garrisons  of  Buena  Vista 
and  Horcasitas  to  the  Colorado  and  Gila  he  would 
see  about  that.  By  this  letter  Garces  first  learned  of 
the  promotion  of  Croix  to  be  commanding  general, 
and  sent  him  his  compliments,  together  with  Font's 
map  of  the  expedition  of  1775-76,  when  Font  went  as 
far  as  San  Francisco  and  Garces  to  the  Moquis.  To 
all  of  this  the  commanding  general  replied  with 
thanks,  manifesting  a  great  desire  to  proceed  to  So- 
nora,  to  carry  into  effect  his  plan  of  going  in  person 
to  the  Colorado  and  thence  to  Monterey.  This 
would  have  been  of  great  advantage  to  those  prov- 
inces and  to  all  the  nations  who  were  to  be  subju- 
gated; but  though  Croix  so  proposed,  God  so  dis- 
posed that  he  was  long  detained  by  sickness  at 
Chihuahua. 

By  this  time,  early  in  1777,  the  King  of  Spain  had 


14  BIOGRAPHY    OF   GARCfs. 

received  word  of  Palma's  visit  to  Mexico,  and  seen 
the  memorial  in  which  the  latter  begged  to  be  bap- 
tized, as  well  as  the  reports  of  the  expeditions  of 
1775-76.  By  letter  dated  Feb.  14,  1777,  he  ordered 
Croix  to  concede  to  Palma  the  promised  missions  and 
presidios,  together  with  other  things  which,  had  they 
been  attended  to,  would  have  facilitated  the  reduc- 
tion of  so  great  a  gentilism,  and  missions  could  have 
been  founded  with  that  solidarity  so  necessary  in 
those  remote  and  risky  regions.  The  king  was  also 
graciously  pleased  to  cause  to  be  conveyed  to  Garces 
the  royal  approbation  of  his  peregrinations  of 
1775-76,  etc.,  as  appears  by  a  letter  Garces  received, 
dated  Mexico,  Aug.  9,  1777. 

It  was  in  March,  1778,  that  Palma,  seeing  no  sign 
of  fulfillment  of  the  promises  which  had  been  made  to 
him,  went  to  Altar  to  find  out  what  was  the  matter. 
The  officer  in  command  there  was  much  embarrassed 
at  Palma's  importunities,  but  put  him  off  by  saying 
that  the  commanding  general  was  disposed  to  go  to 
the  Colorado  with  priests  and  other  Spaniards,  but 
meanwhile  was  visiting  some  of  the  eastern  presidios, 
on  his  return  from  which  he  would  come  to  found 
missions  and  presidios  on  the  Colorado.  This 
quieted  the  anxiety  of  Palma,  who  went  home  to 
await  the  fulfillment  of  these  promises.  Time  passed, 
the  year  ended,  nothing  was  done,  and  Palma's  peo- 


YUMA    MISSIONS    TO    BE    FOUNDED.  1 5 

pie  taunted  him,  saying  that  he  had  been  stuffed  with 
lies.  Being  thus  put  to  the  blush,  he  made  another 
journey  to  Altar,  whose  captain,  Don  Pedro  Tueros, 
was  then  in  command  at  Horcasitas.  Palma  also 
went  there,  and  represented  to  the  captain  the  reasons 
for  his  repeated  importunities.  The  captain  reported 
the  whole  case  to  the  commanding  general,  who  was 
still  in  Chihuahua.  The  king's  order,  which  Croix 
had  received,  the  promises  made  to  Palma,  and  the 
reasonableness  of  the  latter's  insistence,  determined 
the  general  to  send  padres  to  Yuma.  On  Feb.  5, 
1779,  he  wrote  to  the  president  of  missions,  and  also 
to  Garces,  informing  them  of  Palma's  representa- 
tions; in  consequence  of  which  it  was  resolved  that 
Garces,  accompanied  by  another  religious,  should 
soon  go  to  the  Colorado  to  console  the  Yumas,  and 
begin  the  catechism  and  baptism  of  those  infidels. 

At  the  same  time  the  Sonoran  authorities  were  or- 
dered to  furnish  the  necessary  outfit  of  men  and  sup- 
plies. The  padre  presidente  explored  the  mind  of 
Padre  Fray  Juan  Diaz,  who  had  already  been  on  the 
Colorado  in  1774  with  Anza  and  Garces,  and  this 
priest  was  selected  to  accompany  Garces  on  the  new 
enterprise.  The  political  governor,  Don  Pedro  Cor- 
balan,  soon  issued  the  necessary  warrant.  The  mili- 
tary governor,  Don  Pedro  Tueros,  could  not  refrain 
from  showing  lukewarmness  in  detailing  an  escort,  as 


1 6  BIOGRAPHY   OF   GARCES. 

his  soldiers  were  few  for  the  defense  of  the  province, 
in  which  the  Indians  were  rebellious,  committing  rob- 
beries and  bloody  outrages  on  every  hand;  however, 
he  answered  the  letter  in  which  he  was  asked  for  an 
ample  escort  by  saying  that  Garces  might  pick  out 
the  smallest  number  of  soldiers  that  would  answer  the 
purpose,  as  he  could  get  along  better  with  a  few  good 
ones  than  with  many  bad  ones;  but  he  did  not  desig- 
nate a  certain  number  for  the  journey.  This  reserve 
was  to  justify  his  conduct,  under  the  circumstances 
that  there  had  arrived  at  the  Presidio  de  Altar  four 
Yumas,  with  the  complaint  that  four  Papagos  had 
killed  one  of  the  former  nation;  whence  it  was  feared 
that  the  expedition  would  find  it  difficult  to  pass 
through  one  of  these  nations  to  the  other. 

This  whole  enterprise  was  a  weighty  matter  requir- 
ing serious  consideration;  and  from  the  first  confer- 
ence which  the  president  of  missions  had  with  Padres 
Diaz  and  Garces  concerning  the  order  of  the  general 
for  them  to  go  to  the  Colorado,  natural  reason  urged 
that  the  padres  should  be  ready  to  start  as  soon  as 
the  required  outfit  could  be  secured,  but  not  before. 
The  experienced  padres  realized  the  difficulties  and 
dangers  of  establishing  so  distant  a  mission;  at 
the  same  time  they  wished  no  delay,  and  were  con- 
fident that  the  desired  presidio  would  soon  be  estab- 
lished.    But  the  discussion  of  ways  and  means  was 


PROGRESS   OF   THE   AFFAIR.  I  7 

a  long,  tedious  one,  reaching  the  viceroy  and  the  col- 
lege. Arricivita  devotes  several  columns  to  the  sub- 
ject, going  into  details  hardly  to  be  followed  in  the 
present  slight  sketch. 

The  intended  transfer  of  the  forces  from  Buena 
Vista  and  Horcasitas  was  finally  vetoed,  in  view  of 
disturbances  on  all  hands  in  Sonora.  Garces  was 
content  to  ask  for  no  more  than  15  soldiers  and  a  ser- 
geant, whom  he  selected  from  the  presidios  of  Tucson 
and  Altar;  but,  in  fact,  12  were  all  he  received.  The 
period  from  February  through  July,  1779,  was  con- 
sumed in  preparations  for  the  journey,  and  on  Aug.  1 
Garces,  with  Diaz  and  their  slender  retinue,  started 
for  their  destination  via  Sonoita,  which  place  they 
reached  in  a  few  days,  and  left  on  the  10th  for  the 
Colorado,  but  were  obliged  to  return  for  lack  of 
water.  Diaz  remained  while  Garces  started  again  to 
travel  light,  with  two  soldiers  and  one  other.  He 
reached  Yuma  late  in  the  month,  and  on  Sept.  3  sent 
the  soldiers  back  to  Diaz  with  information  of  the 
trouble  he  was  already  having  through  turbulency 
and  dissensions  among  the  Yumas  and  Jalchedunes. 
The  soldiers  reached  Diaz  at  Sonoita,  and  at  the  same 
time  a  Papago  reported  that  some  of  his  nation  had 
revolted  and  were  disposed  to  attack  the  expedition 
en  route;  whereupon  the  handful  of  men  with  Diaz 
were  inclined   to   abscond.     The   case   reached   the 


1 8  BIOGRAPHY    OF    GARC&S. 

higher  authorities,  and  the  padres  were  advised  to 
postpone  further  operations.  But  they  were  firm, 
and  in  fact  under  orders  of  the  commanding  general 
to  persevere. 

Diaz  succeeded  in  joining  Garces  at  Yuma  on 
Oct.  2,  with  perhaps  a  dozen  men.  There  was  trouble 
from  the  start,  owing  to  the  wide  discrepancy  be- 
tween what  Palma's  people  had  been  led  to  expect  in 
the  way  of  lavish  gifts,  and  the  beggarly  kit  which 
a  couple  of  seedy  friars  had  to  divide  among  so  many 
— to  say  nothing  of  the  indigence  of  the  priests  and 
soldiers  themselves,  who  almost  lacked  means  of  sub- 
sistence. Early  in  November  Garces  reported  their 
necessitous  condition.  On  the  3d  the  commanding 
general,  who  had  recovered  his  health,  arrived  at 
Arizpe,  where  he  received  Garces'  letter,  and  soon 
afterward  Diaz  reported  to  him  in  person.  At  this 
juncture  Padre  Fray  Juan  Antonio  Barraneche  (or 
Barrenche)  was  sent  to  Garces'  assistance. 

During  that  winter  of  discontent,  with  Palma's  dis- 
affection, many  Indians  in  revolt,  and  everything 
hanging  by  the  eyelids,  much  red  tape  was  wound 
about  the  usual  circumlocution;  but  it  was  finally  de- 
termined to  establish  two  foundations  on  the  Colo- 
rado, formal  orders  for  which  were  issued  Mar.  20, 
1780.  The  scheme  was  a  novel  one — one  so  novel 
that  Arricivita  styles  its  author,  Croix,  "  an  artificer 


TWO    MISSIONS    ESTABLISHED.  IO, 

of  death "  (artifice  de  morir).  The  plan  was  for 
neither  a  presidio,  a  mission,  nor  a  pueblo,  each  of 
which  was  intelligible  to  a  Spaniard,  but  a  mongrel 
affair  nobody  could  manage,  combining  features  of 
all  three  such  establishments;  and  there  were  to  be 
two  such  mongrels.  For  the  first  of  these  were  de- 
tailed a  corporal,  nine  soldiers,  ten  colonists,  and  six 
laborers;  for  the  second,  a  corporal,  eight  soldiers, 
ten  colonists,  and  six  laborers.  Such  were  the  two 
presidio-pueblo-missions  established  on  the  Colo- 
rado; the  one  at  Puerto  de  la  Purisima  Concepcion, 
identical  in  site  with  modern  Fort  Yuma,  and  the 
other  perhaps  eight  miles  lower  down  the  river,  at 
a  place  called  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  de  Bicuner,  near 
the  site  of  modern  Fort  Defiance  (Pilot  Knob).  The 
logic  of  events  showed  the  whole  business  to  be  crim- 
inal stupidity,  ending  in  a  bloody  catastrophe. 

The  victims  of  this  nuevo  modo  de  conquistar,  de- 
vised by  politicos  arbitristas  unversed  in  such  affairs, 
against  the  protests  of  the  priests  and  the  warnings 
of  such  an  experienced  officer  as  Anza,  arrived  at 
their  appointed  posts  in  the  autumn  of  1780.  Arri- 
civita's  census  is:  20  families  of  settlers  or  colonists; 
12  of  laborers,  and  21  of  soldiers;  "  all  brought  their 
wives  and  plenty  of  children."  One  padre,  Matias 
Moreno,  had  meanwhile  been  added  to  the  three  al- 
ready mentioned;  the  non-commissioned  officers  were 


20  BIOGRAPHY   OF   GARCES. 

Ensign  Santiago  de  las  Islas,  in  whose  charge  the 
people  came;  Sergeant  Jose  (or  Juan)  de  la  Vega; 
Corporal  Juan  Miguel  Palomino;  and  Corporal  Pas- 
cual  Rivera.  To  make  bad  matters  worse,  if  possi- 
ble, with  the  Indians,  the  little  horde  of  invaders  pro- 
ceeded coolly  to  appropriate  the  best  lands  of  the 
Yumas,  whose  milpas  their  horses  and  cattle  soon 
damaged  or  destroyed.  No  wonder  the  savage  abo- 
riginal proprietors  of  this  demesne  were  ripe  for 
treason,  stratagem,  and  spoils  by  the  time  such  char- 
acteristically Spanish  arrangements  for  the  temporali- 
ties had  been  completed,  with  Padres  Garces  and  Bar- 
raneche  in  charge  of  the  spiritualities  at  Concepcion, 
while  Padres  Juan  Diaz  and  Matias  Moreno  under- 
took the  cure  of  inflamed  souls  at  Bicuner. 

This  brings  us  back  to  Arricivita's  ninth  chapter, 
on  the  "  furious  rebellion  of  the  Yumas,"  with  which 
we  started  roundabout  the  sad  story.  We  may  imag- 
ine how  the  winter  of  their  discontent  on  both  sides 
wore  on,  but  have  no  consecutive  record  of  the  rest 
of  1780  and  the  early  months  of  1781.  But  in  June 
there  arrived  at  Yuma  Captain  Fernando  Xavier  de 
Rivera  y  Moncada,  then  lieutenant  governor  of 
Lower  California,  who  had  before  been  commandant 
of  the  new  establishments  of  Monterey,  having  come 
into  that  country  in  1769.  At  this  time  he  was  from 
Sonora,  with  some  soldiers  and  about  40  recruits  for 


THE   STORM    BURSTS.  21 

the  Californian  settlements.  Some  of  his  people  he 
sent  back  to  Sonora,  others  he  sent  on  to  California, 
whilst  he  remained  to  his  death  with  about  a  dozen 
men,  in  camp  at  the  mouth  of  the  Gila,  directly  op- 
posite Concepcion  (Yuma).  Thus  the  outraged  and 
outrageous  Yumas  had  three  separate  groups  of 
Spaniards  to  massacre. 

The  storm  burst  on  Tuesday,  July  17,  1781.  At 
Concepcion  Garces  was  saying  mass  to  some  of  the 
people,  mostly  women,  the  rest  of  the  settlers  being 
scattered  in  the  fields,  excepting  Ensign  Islas  and 
Corporal  Baylon,  the  latter  being  on  guard.  Garces 
had  just  passed  from  the  missal  to  the  gospel  of  the 
day  when  a  tumult  arose,  and  the  Indians  besieged  the 
church  and  other  houses.  Service  was  instantly  sus- 
pended. Islas,  who  was  in  command,  had  hardly 
called  to  arms  when  he  was  clubbed  to  death  and  his 
body  thrown  in  the  river.  Both  padres  survived  the 
first  outbreak,  whilst  the  Indians  were  butchering 
right  and  left,  and  looting  the  houses;  both  heard  con- 
fessions and  administered  the  sacraments  to  some  in 
the  agony  of  death.  The  day  passed,  and  fuc  'la 
noche  triste '  at  Concepcion.  More  effectual  still  was 
the  havoc  wrought  that  same  day  at  Bicuner,  the  at- 
tack upon  which  had  been  simultaneous.  There, 
Padres  Diaz  and  Moreno  were  preparing  to  say  mass 
and  administer  the  viaticum  when  they  were  set  upon 


22  BIOGRAPHY    OF    GARCES. 

furiously  and  both  killed,  as  were  Sergeant  Vega  and 
most  of  the  soldiers,  in  the  first  onslaught.  Only  five 
men  survived  this  day  at  Bicuiier,  all  the  women  and 
children  were  made  captives,  and  the  settlement  was 
entirely  destroyed.  At  Concepcion,  where  hostilities 
seem  to  have  been  suspended  on  the  17th  after  the 
first  outrages,  the  assault  was  renewed  on  the  after- 
noon of  the  1 8th,  about  three  o'clock,  when  the  sav- 
ages returned  from  their  attack  upon  Rivera's  camp 
across  the  river,  where  the  massacre  had  been  com- 
plete— not  a  man  escaped  death.  Concepcion  was 
sacked  and  burned,  and  most  of  the  men  killed;  but 
both  priests  were  still  spared,  having  found  refuge 
with  some  of  the  Indians  who  remained  their  friends. 
It  is  related  that  Palma  himself  favored  them,  saying 
they  were  good  men,  who  had  done  no  harm,  and 
should  not  be  put  to  death.  But  on  the  19th,  at  the 
instigation  of  a  certain  Nifora  Indian,  "  vile  slave  and 
infamous  apostate,"  who  cried  out,  "  If  these  are  left 
alive,  all  is  lost — they  are  the  worst  of  all!"  both 
Garces  and  Barraneche  were  beaten  to  death. 

Thus  began  in  blunder  and  ended  in  blood,  after 
enduring  a  few  months,  the  only  missions  there  ever 
were  upon  the  Colorado.  All  four  of  the  priests  re- 
ceived the  crown  of  martyrdom.  The  victims  of  the 
massacre  were  nearly  or  about  50  in  number.  Among 
the  names  of  20  soldiers  and  14  settlers  which  have 


AFTER    THE    YUMA    MASSACRE.  23 

reached  us,  there  were  the  following-  survivors:  Jose 
Reyes  Pacheco,  Pedro  Solares,  Miguel  Antonio  Ro- 
mero, soldiers;  Matias  de  Castro,  Juan  Jose  Miranda, 
Jose  Ignacio  Bengachea,  Jose  Urrea,  settlers.  Two 
of  the  most  remarkable  features  of  the  catastrophe 
are,  that  the  victims  were  all,  or  nearly  all,  clubbed  to 
death;  and  that  all  the  women  and  children  were 
spared — captured  and  enslaved,  but  not  outraged.  I 
do  not  know  where  to  find  the  exact  parallel  of  this 
in  the  annals  of  Indian  massacre. 

The  fame  of  so  atrocious  an  affair  flew  on  the 
wings  of  the  four  winds  and  soon  reached  the  Span- 
ish authorities.  Meanwhile,  Ensign  Limon,  Rivera 
y  Moncada's  officer,  who  had  escorted  some  of  the 
latter's  people  to  San  Gabriel,  returned  from  his  trip 
with  nine  men,  on  Aug.  21st.  He  was  attacked  and 
repulsed  with  some  loss,  and  hastened  back  with  the 
news  to  San  Gabriel,  whence  Governor  Neve  sent  him 
by  a  different  route  with  a  report  to  Croix  dated 
Sept.  1  st.  In  the  other  direction  word  was  carried 
by  the  Pimas  to  Tucson,  and  by  one  of  the  survivors 
to  Altar,  reaching  Croix  in  August.  An  expedition 
was  soon  on  foot  for  the  scene  of  the  disaster,  for  the 
special  purpose,  it  would  seem,  of  recovering  the 
bodies  of  the  four  priests;  but  punishment  of  the  rebel 
apostates,  and  ransom  of  the  captives,  were  among 
its  objects. 


24  CONCLUSION    OF   BIOGRAPHY. 

There  is  no  need  here  to  protract  the  dismal  story, 
either  of  operations  in  the  field  or  of  the  long  legal 
depositions  which  were  taken  and  official  reports 
which  were  made.  The  remains  of  the  four  martyrs 
were  recovered,  and  finally  laid  to  rest  forever  in  one 
coffin  in  the  church  at  Tubutama.  But  a  few  words 
concerning  GarceY  fellow  laborers  in  so  sadly  watered 
a  vineyard  of  the  Lord  may  not  be  out  of  place.  Bar- 
raneche,  whose  first  work  as  a  missionary  ended  at 
his  death  at  the  early  age  of  32  years,  was  born  in 
1749  in  the  town  of  Lacazor,  bishopric  of  Pamplona, 
and  Kingdom  of  Navarre.  He  was  in  Cuba  as  a 
child,  joined  the  Franciscans  in  1768,  and  came  to  the 
college  of  Queretaro  in  1773.  Moreno's  life  as  a 
missionary  also  began  on  the  scene  of  his  death.  He 
was  the  son  of  Matias  Moreno  and  Maria  Catalina 
Gil,  born  at  Almarza,  in  the  jurisdiction  of  Soria  and 
bishopric  of  Osma,  and  baptized  May  24,  1744;  he 
took  his  holy  orders  in  1762,  and  came  to  Mexico  in 
1769.  Diaz  was  a  native  of  Alaxar  in  the  bishopric 
of  Seville,  born  in  May,  1736.  His  real  name  was 
not  Diaz,  as  he  was  son  of  Juan  Marcelo  and  Feliciana 
Basquez,  named  Alonzo  Diaz  at  his  confirmation,  and 
Juan  Marcelo  Diaz  on  taking  holy  orders.  He  came 
to  the  college  of  Queretaro  in  1763;  in  1768  he  was 
assigned  to  the  mission  of  Caborca  in  Pimeria  Alta, 
and  in  1774  was  with  Garces  on  Anza's  expedition  to 
San  Gabriel. 


THE  FOUR  ENTRADAS  OF  GARCES. 
(1768-74-) 

In  order  to  inform  the  reader  fully  of  the  condi- 
tions under  which  Garces  undertook  the  journey  of 
1775-76  which  forms  the  body  of  the  present  work,  it 
will  be  well  to  glance  at  his  previous  entradas  of  1768, 
1770,  1 77 1,  and  1774.  I  derive  the  following-  data 
mainly  from  Arricivita's  Cronica,  which  will  also  be 
found  digested  in  Bancroft's  Ariz,  and  N.  M. 

I.   GARCES'    FIRST   ENTRADA,  TO   THE    GILA,  1 768. 

Arricivita's  Chronicle,  Mexico,  1792,  devotes  capi- 
tulo  xiii,  pp.  394-399,  to  the  Entrada  de  los  Misio- 
neros  en  Sonora,  these  Franciscans  having  left  San 
Bias  Jan.  20  and  reached  Guaymas  May  9,  1768.  His 
next  chapter,  pp.  400-404,  treats  of  the  Nuevos  Tra- 
bajos  de  los  Misioneros,  etc.,  and  here  we  find  the 
record  of  Garces'  First  Entrada,  pp.  403.  404,  of 
which  I  give  a  brief  summary: 

At  this  time  Garces  was  the  minister  of  San  Xavier 
del  Bac,  bent  on  reaping  a  crop  of  souls  for  God  and 
the  King  of  Spain.  He  had  sent  messages  to  ran- 
cherias  of  the  gentiles,  was  determined  to  visit  them, 


26  FIRST   AND   SECOND   ENTRADAS. 

and  four  Indians  came  to  guide  him.  Hearing  of 
this,  a  military  officer  sought  to  stop  him,  with  the 
information  that  the  Papagos,  through  whose  lands 
Garces  was  to  pass,  had  revolted.  But  the  padre  well 
knew  this  was  a  false  manifest,  and  so  left  Bac  on 
Aug.  29,  1768,  with  only  one  Indian  of  his  mission 
and  the  four  already  said.  He  traveled  about  80 
leagues  west,  north,  and  southeast,  among  many 
Papago  rancherias,  including  a  very  large  one  on  the 
Gila.  This  is  about  all  we  know  of  the  journey;  for 
the  chronicler's  chapter  is  mostly  theological.  Gar- 
ces appears  to  have  been  back  in  his  mission  of  Bac 
by  October,  and  fell  sick  with  what  is  called  an  apo- 
plexy. Nevertheless,  the  report  of  the  entrada  of  the 
missionary  soon  spread  through  all  the  rancherias  of 
the  gentiles  who  lived  on  the  Gila;  and,  attracted  by 
the  sweet  savor  {bien  olor)  of  Christ,  whose  faith  and 
gospel  Garces  had  announced,  they  were  all  rejoiced, 
especially  at  the  prospect  that  he  would  come  again 
to  visit  them. 

2.   GARCES'    SECOND    ENTRADA,  TO    THE    GILA,  1770. 

But  various  things,  including  Apaches  and  Seris, 
delayed  Garces'  return  till  late  in  1770.  We  have  a 
fuller  account  of  this  entrada  in  Arricivita,  pp.  416, 
417,  in  substance  as  follows: 

In  October  of  this  year  there  was  an  epidemic  of 


SECOND   ENTRADA.  27 

measles,  fever,  and  diarrheas  throughout  the  prov- 
ince, of  which  diseases  many  died.  A  married  wo- 
man fled  from  Bac;  the  Pimas  Gilenos  sent  word  to 
Garces  that  a  converted  Indian  was  very  sick;  and 
so,  to  retake  the  first,  help  the  second,  and  comfort 
everybody,  Garces  left  Bac  Oct.  18,  equipped  only 
with  charity  and  apostolic  zeal,  intending  to  return 
in  five  days.  Traveling  northwest,  across  a  valley 
different  from  those  of  the  Papagos,  he  inspected  the 
rancherias  of  Cuitoat,  Oapars,  and  Tubasa,  some  of 
whose  inhabitants  were  at  his  mission,  though  he 
could  not  gather  them  all  in,  through  their  fear  of 
speedy  death.  On  the  19th  he  went  westward  in 
search  of  the  sick  man,  among  various  rancherias,  in- 
cluding Aquitun;  on  one  roundabout  he  found  a  gen- 
tile, very  old  and  very  sick,  whom  he  catechised  and 
baptized  with  great  gusto,  and  who  presently  died. 
On  the  20th  he  reached  the  Gila,  where  the  natives 
of  Pitac  received  him  joyfully,  and  there  he  baptized 
the  sick  children  who  were  in  greatest  danger.  21st, 
he  reached  the  spot  where  he  had  been  in  1768,  and 
where  the  governor  assured  him  that  they  all  wanted 
a  padre  to  teach  them;  here  he  baptized  22,  and  was 
almost  detained  by  force,  but  managed  to  break  away, 
and  went  on  down  river  where  there  were  good  crops 
and  many  rancherias,  among  them  one  on  the  other 
side  named  Napeut.     The  padre  said  mass,  baptized 


28  SECOND   ENTRADA. 

two  aggravated  cases  of  sickness,  saw  many  people 
and  good  land,  and  was  told  that  he  was  near  the 
Opas,  a  nation  who  spoke  the  language  of  the  Yumas 
and  Cocomaricopas.  Leaving  the  Indians  who  had 
accompanied  him,  he  set  out  with  only  one  of  those 
of  the  Gila,  who  had  a  little  pinole  and  jerked  meat, 
and  passing  the  pueblo  of  Sutaquison,  and  another 
large  one  lower  down,  he  reached  a  saline  on  the  23d ; 
wrhence  traveling  northwest  he  arrived  that  night  at 
the  Opas  whom  he  sought.  The  padre,  being  already 
pretty  well  up  in  Pima,  talked  to  them  in  that  idiom; 
they  received  him  very  well,  and  he  could  preach  to 
them,  because  there  were  among  them  some  old 
individuals  who  understood  it.  These  Indians 
were  quite  curious,  especially  about  Garces'  dress, 
asking  him  whether  he  was  a  man  or  a  woman, 
whether  he  was  married  or  single,  and  other  imper- 
tinent questions.  These  people  and  others  of  the 
same  language  extend  along  the  Gila  and  Colorado, 
and  also  along  the  rivers  Azul,  Verde,  Salado,  and 
others  which  enter  the  Colorado;  on  which  latter 
there  are  other  nations  who  come  down  to  trade  with 
those  said. 

Thinking  of  his  mission  of  Bac,  left  without  a  min- 
ister, Garces  inspected  no  more  rancherias  on  the 
Gila,  from  which  he  turned  away  southward  through 
a  sierra  which  bordered  on  the  river.     On  the  after- 


SECOND    ENTRADA.  29 

noon  of  a  day  not  said  he  halted  in  a  hut  (xacal)  where 
there  seemed  to  be  but  few  people,  though  more  ap- 
peared that  night.  They  gave  him  various  reports 
through  a  Piman,  who  told  him  that  in  a  pueblo  of 
Opas  there  had  been  seen  whites  who  had  come  to 
barter  through  Moquis.  On  the  28th  he  passed  by 
various  rancherias,  accompanied  by  many  men  and 
boys,  and  halted  in  the  house  of  a  Pima  of  Sutaquison. 
There  he  saw  six  Indians  from  the  Rio  Colorado, 
whom  he  treated  to  pinole,  and  determined  to  keep 
on  eastward,  sick  at  heart  (arrancandosele  el  corazon) 
to  leave  those  people,  some  of  whom  were  dying  of 
measles,  and  only  baptizing  one  child  whom  he  found 
almost  dead.  After  three  days  [Oct.  29-31]  through 
a  deserted  region  he  arrived  at  the  already  known 
Papago  rancherias,  where  he  was  told  that  most  of 
the  children  and  the  old  woman  he  had  baptized  were 
dead. 

Ninety  leagues  was  the  good  padre's  estimate  of 
this  journey,  and  he  highly  praised  the  fidelity  of  the 
only  Indian  who  accompanied  him  the  whole  way.  All 
those  nations  wondered  at  his  coming  to  visit  them 
otherwise  unattended,  and  at  discovering  that  he 
sought  only  to  save  their  souls,  and  to  preach  heaven 
and  hell  to  them,  and  explain  to  them  God,  of  whom 
they  were  totally  ignorant;  for  though  they  had  some 
notion  of  a  supreme  power,  said  to  be  invoked  at 


30  THIRD    ENTRADA. 

sowing-time,  or  when  they  fell  sick,  he  felt  sure  that 
their  gods  were  the  sun  and  moon,  even  in  the 
rancherias  most  immediate  to  missions. 

Of  all  this  excursion  and  apostolic  foray  did  Padre 
Garces  make  a  report  and  a  prolix  diary  for  the  padre 
guardian  and  venerable  elders  in  council,  who  placed 
it  in  the  hands  of  Padre  Presidente  Fray  Mariano. 
The  report  went  its  way  through  official  channels  to 
the  Senor  Visitador  Don  Jose  de  Galvez,  who  ap- 
proved it;  and  the  upshot  of  much  deliberation  over 
plans  for  the  founding  of  missions  on  the  Gila  was 
Garces'  next  entrada.  . 

■u) 

3.    GARCES'     THIRD      ENTRADA,    TO     THE     GILA     AND 
COLORADO,    1771. 

"  Nuevo  Viage  que  hizo  el  Padre  Garzes  a  los  rios 
Colorado  y  Gila  en  el  aiio  siguente  de  setenta  y  uno  " 
is  the  title  of  Arricivita's  chap,  xvii,  pp.  418-426.  It 
opens  with  reference  to  the  difficulties  and  dangers 
of  this  entrada,  including  a  long  extract  from  Garces' 
own  diary  on  the  subject. 

Packing  on  horseback  the  apparatus  for  saying 
mass,  and  accompanied  by  a  very  respectable  Papago, 
Garces  left  San  Xavier  del  Bac  Aug.  8,  1771.  Hold- 
ing westward  he  visited  various  rancherias,  preached 
the  gospel,  and  baptized  those  who  needed  it  in  their 
extremities — as  for  example,  on  the  nth,  a  woman 


I111RD    ENTRADA.  31 

who  seemed  to  be  more  than  a  hundred  years  old, 
whom  he  catechised  to  her  great  relief.  On  the  12th 
he  was  at  the  pueblo  of  Ati;  on  the  15th,  at  a  place 
called  Cubac,  where  he  preached,  but  had  trouble 
through  the  infidelity  of  the  interpreter.  On  the 
1 6th  he  announced  to  the  governor  of  Sonoi  [So- 
noita]  his  intention  of  going  to  the  Yumas,  and 
begged  for  guides;  but  that  night,  in  the  council  or 
junta  which  he  convened  to  propound  to  them  Cath- 
olic truth  and  ineffable  mysteries,  the  old  men  raised 
such  insuperable  objections  that,  if  the  governor  had 
not  been  so  good,  and  the  padre  so  inflexible,  the 
scheme  would  have  miscarried.  He  continued  west- 
ward until  he  could  go  no  further  for  want  of  water, 
and  consequently  turned  by  way  of  the  volcano  of 
Santa  Clara  toward  the  Gila,  which  river  was  reached 
on  the  22d,  at  an  uninhabited  place  where  there  were 
such  fine  cottonwoods  that  the  water  was  hidden  from 
view.  At  a  little  distance  was  discovered  another  run- 
ning river,  conjectured  to  be  the  Rio  Azul,  a  branch 
of  the  Gila.  After  traveling  all  day,  a  little  before 
sundown  GarceV  party  were  discovered  by  some  In- 
dians named  Noraguas,  who  lived  on  the  other  side 
of  the  river,  and  the  padre  wished  to  pass  the  night 
with  them;  but  the  Piman  guides  turned  back,  telling 
him  that  those  were  not  good  people,  for  they  would 
steal  all  they  could  if  he  stayed  with  them.     On  the 


32  THIRD    ENTRADA. 

23d  many  persons  came  across  the  river  to  see  the 
padre,  and  there  was  another  discussion  of  his  inten- 
tion to  proceed  to  the  Yumas,  against  which  all  sorts 
of  objections  were  urged  by  the  governor  of  the  Pi- 
mas:  it  was  very  far;  they  were  not  friendly;  the  road 
was  risky  on  account  of  the  Quiquimas;  those  Yumas 
knew  nobody,  and  would  take  their  scalps,  etc. 
Thereupon  the  governor  called  his  people  together, 
and  that  night  they  sang  and  danced  till  daylight. 
All  this  was  simply  to  detain  the  padre;  but  for  two 
days  he  persisted  in  seeking  the  Colorado.  No  such 
river  was  found;  the  governor  told  him  that  thence- 
forward there  were  no  good  people,  and  went  back 
to  his  rancheria.  The  Indian  guides,  persuaded  by 
the  other  Pimas,  refused  to  follow  the  padre.  He 
delayed  a  day  in  hope  of  guides  from  Sonoitac;  but 
none  appeared,  and  he  went  on  with  some  nine  young 
fellows,  as  well  as  he  could,  on  the  way  down  to  the 
Yumas,  till  they  dared  to  go  no  further.  He  kept  on 
alone  all  day,  thinking  it  could  not  be  much  further, 
met  with  difficulties,  and  retraced  his  steps.  He  was 
again  dissuaded  by  the  Pimas,  but  was  firm  in  his  re- 
solve, and  as  no  Sonoitac  guides  appeared,  he  once 
more  set  forth  alone.  Traveling  southwest  for  two 
days,  on  the  30th  his  horse  mired  down  twice,  and  he 
found  himself  in  such  a  fix  that  he  was  obliged  to  re- 
turn to  the  rancherias.     This  was  on  or  about  Sept.  I. 


THIRD   ENTRADA.  33 

On  the  8th,  having  procured  a  guide  and  baptized 
an  adult  and  a  child  in  articulo  mortis,  he  set  forth 
with  some  preparation  for  the  journey;  but  the  In- 
dian purposely  broke  the  calabash  of  water,  and  said 
they  could  not  proceed  without  it.  The  padre  said 
they  could  keep  near  the  Gila;  but  at  noon  the  guide 
.took  a  horse  and  started  back,  expecting  that  the 
padre,  finding  himself  alone,  would  do  the  same. 
Not  so,  however;  for  Garces  continued  for  two  days, 
and  finding  some  tracks,  with  great  difficulty  reached 
the  people  who  live  in  the  woods  or  among  the 
lagunas  along  the  river.  Great  was  their  wonder  to 
see  him  alone,  and  equal  were  the  concourse  and  the 
courtesy  with  which  they  supplied  him  with  all  that 
they  had.  He  passed  on  among  various  rancherias 
and  many  people.  On  the  12th  he  saw  other  ran- 
cherias, whose  inhabitants  were  sorry  that  he  would 
not  stay  with  them,  and  the  padre  was  grieved  to  see 
their  affliction,  many  having  been  wounded  and  hav- 
ing had  their  houses  burned,  in  a  cruel  assault  their 
opponents  the  Quiquimas  had  made  upon  them. 
But  having  no  fear  of  the  Quiquimas,  feeling  sure  he 
could  recommend  himself  to  these  Indians  as  well  as 
to  others,  he  proceeded,  and  slept  that  night  very 
close  to  the  river.  Next  day,  the  13th,  he  followed 
a  trail  and  saw  smoke  on  the  other  bank;  but  being 
unable  to  cross  he  continued  down  river  westward, 


34  THIRD   ENTRADA. 

nearly  to  the  junction  of  the  Gila  with  the  Colorado, 
till  the  lagunas  and  tulares  prevented  his  reaching 
that  point,  and  he  turned  southward. 

At  this  date  Garces  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Yuma,  for 
the  first  time  in  his  life.  His  course  down  the  Gila 
is  easy  to  trail  as  a  whole,  but  not  in  detail.  Now 
that  he  turns  south,  we  have  more  difficulty  in  trac- 
ing his  movements  from  the  imperfect  and  somewhat 
confusing  record  in  Arricivita. 

On  the  14th,  having  passed  a  handsome  plain,  he 
found  some  brackish  pools,  and  being  unable  to  reach 
the  Colorado,  on  account  of  the  lagunas,  he  entered 
upon  an  extended  strand.  Here,  going  somewhat 
eastward  in  search  of  water,  he  found  nothing  but 
some  skulls  and  skeletons  of  Indians;  and  seeing  that 
neither  water,  nor  grass,  nor  seeds,  nor  quelites  were 
to  be  found,  he  turned  northward,  having  traveled 
most  of  the  night,  and  at  dawn  sought  to  rest  a  while ; 
whereupon  his  horse  ran  away  with  the  saddle  on. 
Being  now  unable  to  return  the  way  he  had  come,  he 
thought  best  to  go  westward,  and  thus  came  upon  a 
great  river  which  seemed  to  him  larger  than  the  Gila, 
though  he  thought  it  smaller  than  the  Colorado. 
Here  in  dismay  he  knew  not  which  way  to  turn,  for 
there  was  nothing  to  eat  on  that  bank  of  the  river 
except  a  certain  herb  resembling  hemp;  so  he  re- 
solved to  turn  to  the  right-about,  without  looking  for 


THIRD    ENTRADA.  35 

his  horse,  which  lie  gave  up  for  lost.  Passing  by 
lagunas  and  tulares  all  day  of  the  15th,  he  found  his 
horse,  which  had  come  by  a  different  route  through 
the  tulares  and  mud  puddles. 

On  the  1 6th  he  concluded  that  he  could  reach  the 
mouth  of  the  river  on  a  direct  south  course,  and  find 
the  Quiquimas.  At  a  matter  of  two  leagues  he  found 
a  melon  patch,  and  having  refreshed  himself,  there 
arrived  fourteen  armed  Indians,  surprised  to  see  the 
padre.  By  signs  they  asked  him  whence  he  came  and 
where  he  was  going.  Then  they  gave  him  to  under- 
stand that  the  Quiquimas  were  their  enemies;  that  if 
he  would  go  with  them  they  would  give  him  some- 
thing to  eat;  and  they  presently  offered  him  some  fish. 
Having  turned  back  with  them,  he  found  35  Yumas 
fishing;  he  dined  with  them,  and  says  in  his  diary  that 
one  could  learn  humanity,  politeness,  and  attention 
from  these  Indians;  they  joyfully  took  him  to  their 
village,  and  were  at  the  trouble  to  make  two  rafts  to 
cross  him  over  the  river;  they  also  entertained  him 
with  singing  and  dancing  in  such  fashion  that  he  got 
no  sleep,  for  they  kept  it  up  till  morning. 

On  the  17th  none  of  them  were  willing  to  go 
further  down  river  with  him,  and  he  could  only  per- 
suade one  old  man  to  accompany  him  to  the  junction 
of  the  rivers.  They  started,  but  something  happened 
which  made  the  old  man  desert,  and  the  padre,  after 


36  THIRD   ENTRADA. 

floundering  about  on  the  18th,  in  the  marshes  and 
puddles,  returned  on  the  19th  to  the  rancheria  he  had 
left,  where  the  Indians  came  in  troops  to  see  him. 

It  would  scarcely  be  profitable,  even  were  it  possi- 
ble, to  trace  Garces'  wanderings  west  of  the  Colorado 
and  below  the  Gila.  They  were  very  devious,  through 
the  fitful  refusals  of  Indians  to  take  him  where  he 
wished  to  go,  and  his  own  inability  to  travel  alone. 
He  seems  constantly  turning  about,  gives  few  dis- 
tances, and  is  loose  in  his  compass  points;  nor  do  I 
find  him  once  at  an  identifiable  locality.  He  seems 
not  to  have  continued  among  the  Yumas  only,  for 
he  speaks  of  various  others  nations,  including  two 
called  Niforas  and  Macueques.  He  also  speaks  of 
hearing  from  the  Yumas  of  the  padres  of  San  Diego 
and  of  New  Mexico.  On  the  22d  he  was  at  some 
rancherias  where  he  heard  the  sweet  names  of  Jesus 
and  Mary  pronounced  Mensus  and  Marria,  usually 
with  the  word  Azan  added  to  the  first  of  these  names; 
he  made  the  Indians  the  sign  of  the  cross,  and  they  did 
the  same.  This  seems  to  be  a  reminiscence  of  Kino, 
who  was  among  these  Indians  nearly  three-quarters 
of  a  century  before  Garces.  On  the  28th  Garces  ap- 
pears to  have  been  near  the  mouth  of  the  river,  or  at 
any  rate  near  tide-water;  for  at  dawn  next  day  he  dis- 
covered the  Sierra  Madre,  and  saw  "  a  very  large  gap 
or  opening  in  the  mountains,  which  he  thought  was 


THIRD   ENTRADA.  37 

the  entrance  of  the  Rio  Colorado  into  the  sea."" 
Exactly  how  far  down  river  he  pushed  will  probably 
never  be  known;  but  in  his  Diary  of  Dec.  20,  1775 
(see  the  date,  beyond),  he  speaks  of  a  place  he  called 
Rancheria  de  las  Llagas  in  1771,  when  he  was  there, 
the  same  being,  he  was  convinced,  the  last  rancheria 
down  river,  not  now  identifiable  with  any  known  spot. 
When  and  where  on  his  return  he  recrossed  the  Col- 
orado from  west  to  east  is  not  clear.  On  the  7th  of 
October  we  find  him  bearing  eastward  to  seek  the 
Gila.  He  was  detained  until  the  12th  by  funeral 
ceremonies  among  the  Yumas,  eleven  of  whom  had 
been  killed  in  a  fight  with  the  Cocomaricopas  and 
Pimas  Gileiios. 

Oct.  12,  the  Indians  offered  to  take  the  padre  in 
four  days'  journey  to  the  Indians  of  Cujant  or  to 
Zuniga,  and  he  chose  the  former  direct  route  to> 
Sonoitac.  On  the  13th,  the  text  says,  he  recrossed 
(repaso)  the  Gila  on  a  raft — a  statement  not  clear,  as 
we  do  not  see  how  he  could  recross  a  river  he  had 
never  once  crossed,  nor  do  we  know  how  he  can  be 
supposed  to  have  been  anywhere  north  of  the  Gila; 
perhaps  this  statement  should  be  taken  to  indicate  his 
otherwise  unsaid  crossing  of  the  Colorado  from  west 
to  east,  at  the  place  where  he  had  first  crossed  it,  not 
far  below  the  mouth  of  the  Gila.  However  this  may 
be,  we  find  him  on  the  15th  on  the  usual  route  to 


38  FOURTH    ENTRADA. 

Caborca  (por  las  jomadas  acostumbradas  se  dirigio  el 
Padre  d  Caborca).  His  diary  ends  Oct.  27,  in  the 
following  pleasant  manner: 

"  Poco  a  poco  comiendo  pitahallas  regaladisimas, 
llegue  a  Caborca  ceiiido  con  el  panuelo  de  narizes, 
pues  habiendose  acabado  la  reata,  hube  de  valerme 
del  cordon,  y  este  como  viejo  tambien  se  acabo: 
quando  sali  al  viage  estaba  malo  y  se  me  hinchaban 
las  piernas,  y  pensaba  en  salir  a  curarme,  y  ahora 
estoy  hasta  la  presente,  gracias  a  Dios,  sin  novedad 
chica  ni  grande,  y  asi  aunque  no  hubiera  otro 
motivo,  basta  para  estos  viages  el  ser  proficuos  para 
vivir  en  San  Xavier." 

4.  GARCES'  FOURTH  ENTRADA,  TO  THE  GILA,  COLO- 
RADO, AND  MISSION  OF  SAN  GABRIEL  IN  CALI- 
FORNIA, 1774. 

( With  Padre  Juan  Diaz,  under  Capitan  J.  B.  de  Anza.) 

Arricivita's  Libro  Quarto,  Capitulo  Primero,  pp. 
450-456,  entitled  Expedicion  que  se  mando  hacer 
para  la  comunicacion  de  la  Sonora  con  los  nuevos 
establecimientos  de  Monterey,  records  this  notable 
entrada  at  some  length.  The  best  account  is  said  to 
be  Anza's  own  MS.,  entitled  Descubrimiento  de 
Sonora  a  Californias,  aiio  de  1774. 

Anza's  expedition,  consisting  of  himself,  Garces, 


FOURTH    ENTRADA.  39 

and  Diaz,  an  Indian  guide  named  Sebastian,  34  men 
in  all,  with  65  cattle  and  140  horses,  left  the  Pre- 
sidio de  Tubac  Jan.  8,  1774.  By  way  of  Caborca 
the  journey  continued  to  the  mission  de  San  Mar- 
celo  de  Sonoytac  on  the  28th.  Arricivita  is  very 
curt  along  here,  but  from  other  sources  the  route  can 
be  traced  pretty  closely.  From  Tubac  one  league  to 
ford  of  San  Ignacio,  Jan.  8th;  valley  of  Arivac,  9th; 
Agua  Escondida,  10th;  to  Saric,  13th;  La  Estancia, 
14th;  Ati,  15th;  Oquitoa,  16th;  Presidio  de  Altar, 
17th;  Pitic,  19th;  and  Caborca  next  day.  Then,  to  a 
place  named  San  Ildefonso  at  this  date,  22d;  Aribaipa 
or  San  Eduardo,  23d;  San  Juan  de  Mata,  a  water 
pool,  24th;  Quitobac  or  San  Luis  Bacapa,  a  rancheria, 
26th;  whence  to  Sonoita  on  the  28th.  Greater  than 
before  was  the  difficulty  with  which  the  party  kept  on 
through  grassless  and  waterless  deserts  past  places 
two  of  which  were  Carrizal  and  Purificacion,  till  Feb. 
5,  when  they  reached  a  scanty  aguage  hidden  in  a 
profound  arroyo,  and  hence  called  Agua  Escondida, 
duplicating  a  name.  They  there  found  a  Papago  who 
had  come  from  the  Yumas.  From  him  they  learned 
of  natives  who  were  wavering  in  their  allegiance  to 
the  Yuman  captain  Palma,  unfriendly  toward  the 
whites,  and  disposed  to  loot  the  whole  outfit. 

This  news  gave  them  great  uneasiness,  and  they 
determined  to  dispatch  the  Papago  with  a  message  to 


40  FOURTH    ENTRADA. 

Palma,  to  see  what  could  be  done  to  pacify  the  mal- 
contents. He  returned  in  a  day  or  two,  accompanied 
by  some  Papagos  and  Yumas,  with  demonstrations  of 
joy,  minimizing  the  former  report,  and  saying  that 
the  only  reason  why  Palma  himself  did  not  come  was 
his  absence  from  home.  Anza  and  the  padres,  seeing 
that  they  were  welcome  to  these  Indians  and  others 
that  continually  arrived,  determined  to  halt  not  till 
they  reached  the  Gila  and  camped  on  its  banks. 
Palma  soon  arrived,  with  many  others  of  his  nation, 
mostly  on  horseback;  all  were  jubilant  over  the  com- 
ing of  the  Spanish  captain  and  priests.  Palma  con- 
tinued to  give  such  unequivocal  proofs  of  ability  and 
loyalty  that  Anza  confirmed  his  chieftainship  and 
hung  about  his  neck  a  silver  medal  with  a  bust  of  his 
Catholic  majesty,  advising  him  to  be  an  obedient  vas- 
sal of  the  king,  and  faithful  to  the  allegiance  he  owed 
to  the  Spaniards. 

In  the  place  where  the  expedition  was  on  Feb.  7, 
the  Gila  joined  a  small  arm  of  the  Colorado  given  off 
a  few  leagues  higher  up,  thus  forming  an  island  large 
enough  for  the  residence  of  Palma  and  a  part  of  his 
Yumas.  (This  island  is  the  one  which  became 
known  as  Isla  de  la  Trinidad:  practically  the  site  of 
Kino's  San  Dionisio  of  1700,  and  directly  across  the 
Colorado  from  the  Mision  de  la  Concepcion  of  1780- 
81.)     One  day,  apparently  Feb.  8  (or  two  days,  Feb. 


FOURTH    ENTRADA.  4 1 

8  and  9),  the  expedition  crossed  the  united  Gila  and 
Colorado  by  a  good  though  devious  ford,  guided  and 
aided  by  the  natives,  and  camped  in  the  vicinity, 
where  Anza  took  his  geodetic  observations.  Here 
is  the  initial  point  of  the  entrada  into  California.  — " 

It  is  impossible  to  trace  the  route  henceforth  from 
Arricivita  with  requisite  precision;  but  coupling  the 
old  chronicler's  account  with  data  derived  from  An- 
za's  MS.  diary,  as  digested  in  Bancroft's  Hist.  Cal.  i, 
pp.  222,  223,  we  can  follow  the  expedition  approxi- 
mately. 

In  three  or  four  days,  Feb.  10-12  or  9-13,  the  ex- 
pedition went  to  or  was  at  a  place  called  Laguna  de 
Santa  Olaya,  9!  leagues  about  S.  W.,  formed  by  the 
Colorado  in  times  of  overflow.  The  name  appears  to 
have  been  bestowed  on  this  occasion.  Palma  went 
part  way  and  then  turned  back,  amidst  tears  and 
other  amotions,  because  Santa  Olaya  belonged  to  the 
Cajuenches.  Feb.  13  or  14,  the  expedition  plunged 
into  the  desert  beyond,  only  to  be  forced  back  to 
Santa  Olaya  on  the  19th,  and  to  remain  there  till 
Mar.  2.  The  interval  was  employed  by  the  priests 
in  their  holy  functions,  and  Garces  alone  made  a  six 
days'  tour  among  the  rancherias,  getting  back  to 
camp  Mar.  1.       ' 

On  the  2d,  Anza  left  most  of  his  baggage,  horses, 
and  cattle  in  charge  of  Paima,  starting  for  the  new 


42  FOURTH    ENTRADA. 

establishments  of  Monterey  with  only  the  most  neces- 
sary supplies.  That  day  they  traveled  through 
Cajuenche  rancherias,  which  Garces  had  visited  in 
1 771;  they  all  cried  Jesus  Maria,  and  delivered  up  to 
Garces  four  idols,  three  of  which  he  smashed  with 
great  gusto,  while  the  soldiers  kept  the  other  one. 
This  day's  camp  was  at  a  spot  called  Laguna  del 
Predicador  (Preacher's  lagoon). 

Mar.  3-5,  westerly,  with  a  sierra  on  the  left,  and 
over  hills,  to  some  waterholes  called  Pozos  de  San 
Eusebio.  Mar.  6,  to  Santo  Tomas,  in  the  sierra. 
Mar.  7,  8,  northerly,  to  Pozos  de  Santa  Rosa  de  las 
Lajas  (Wells  of  St.  Rose  of  the  Flat  Rocks).  At 
this  point  the  expedition  was  supposed  to  have  ad- 
vanced 18  leagues  in  air  line  from  Santa  Olaya.  Mar. 
0,  10,  north  11  leagues  to  a  large  cienega  in  the 
Cajuenche  country,  called  San  Sebastian  Peregrino. 
Mar.  11,  continuing  along  the  same  cienega.  Mar. 
12,  six  leagues  westnorthwest  to  San  Gregorio. 
Mar.  14,  six  leagues  to  Santa  Catarina.  Next  day, 
apparently,  six  leagues  northerly  to  Puerto  de  San 
Carlos,  about  where  ended  the  widespread  Cajuenche 
nation,  and  began  another  which  on  his  former  jour- 
ney Garces  called  los  Danzarines,  the  Dancers,  on  ac- 
count of  the  violent  movements  of  the  hands  and  feet 
they  made  when  they  talked.  Mar.  16,  17,  to  La- 
guna de  San  Patricio,  supposed  to  be  eight  leagues 


FOURTH    ENTRADA.  43 

direct  from  Santa  Catarina.  Mar.  18,  to  Valle  de 
San  Jose,  on  a  fine  stream,  observed  as  in  lat.  330  46'. 
Mar.  19,  to  Laguna  de  San  Antonio  de  Bucareli. 
Mar.  20,  to  Rio  de  Santa  Ana.  Mar.  21,  to  Arroyo 
de  los  Osos,  or  de  los  Alisos,  Bear  or  Alder  gulch. 
Mar.  2.2,  the  expedition  arrived  at  the  Mision  del 
Gloriosisimo  Principe  San  Gabriel — that  is,  the  still 
existent  and  well-known  San  Gabriel  mission,  in  the 
vicinity  of  present  Los  Angeles,  Cal.  It  was  then 
taken  to  be  40  leagues  from  San  Diego,  and  120  from 
Monterey.  The  whole  distance  actually  traveled 
from  Caborca  was  set  down  at  240  leagues,  reducible 
to  about  200  by  avoiding  detours. 

Having  reached  San  Gabriel  out  of  everything, 
Anza  determined  to  travel  light  to  Monterey,  to  re- 
plenish his  outfit.  At  the  same  time  the  R.  P.  F. 
Junipero  Serra,  later  on  the  most  famous  Californian 
missionary,  arrived  at  San  Gabriel  from  San  Diego, 
where  he  left  a  religious  with  requisite  instruments 
for  geodesy;  and  Padre  Diaz  went  there  for  him. 
Garces,  under  orders  received  from  Anza,  left  with  an 
outfit  for  the  Colorado,  where  he  was  to  await  the  re- 
turn of  the  expedition.  He  made  this  return  trip  in 
12  days  and  a  half  (at  dates  not  said,  and  without  in- 
cident, except  the  discovery  of  some  rascality  of  the 
Danzarines). 

On  May  1  Anza  reached  Monterey,  which  he  left 


44  FOURTH    ENTRADA. 

in  three  days  with  Paclre  Diaz;  and  traveling  in 
Garces'  tracks  for  eight  days,  a  distance  supposed  to 
be  80  leagues,  they  arrived  at  the  junction  of  the  Gila 
and  Colorado,  where  they  were  received  by  Palma 
and  his  Yumas  with  grand  jubilation  and  all  possible 
obsequy.  The  Indians  made  a  raft  and  ferried  them 
over  to  the  place  where  Garces  had  his  camp.  There 
he  found  that  the  soldiers  and  muleteers  who  had 
been  left  to  guard  the  convoy  had  fled  to  Caborca, 
having  become  panic-struck  at  a  rumor  that  his  party 
and  himself  had  been  massacred. 

On  May  15  Anza  and  Diaz  resumed  their  march, 
accompanied  by  Garces,  until  the  21st;  and  happily 
arrived  at  the  Presidio  de  Tubac  on  the  26th.  This 
is  nearly  all  Arricivita  has  to  say  about  it;  but  from 
other  sources  we  trace  their  route  briefly,  as  follows : 
Started  up  the  south  bank  of  the  Gila,  May  15;  passed 
San  Pascual,  17th;  to  first  Cocomaricopa  rancheria, 
called  San  Bernardino,  18th;  continuing,  passed 
through  Upasoitac,  or  San  Simon  y  Judas,  21st;  to 
Piman  rancheria  of  Sutaquison,  22d;  to  Tutiritucar 
(Uturituc,  or  San  Juan  Capistrano),  23d;  to  near 
Casas  Grandes,  24th;  turning  south  away  from  river, 
to  Tucson,  25th;  through  Bac,  to  Tubac,  26th. 

But  Garces,  who  had  been  specially  charged  by 
high  authority  to  investigate  the  feasibility  of  open- 
ing   communication    between    Monterey    and    New 


FOURTH    ENTRADA.  45 

Mexico,  was  left  on  the  Gila  without  an  escort — with 
nobody  but  one  of  Anza's  servants.  From  the 
Pueblo  de  Oparsoitac,  which  had  been  named  that 
of  San  Simon  y  Judas,  he  sought  to  reach  the  Yabi- 
pais  or  Niforas,  but  the  Indians  would  not  permit 
this,  on  account  of  existing  hostilities.  Two  Jalche- 
dunes  of  the  Rio  Colorado,  informed  of  the  affair, 
said  that  they  were  friends  of  the  Yabipais,  who  went 
to  pueblos  where  there  were  padres.  So  Garces  de- 
termined to  go  with  these  Jalchedunes  to  their  lands; 
but  Anza's  servant  took  fright  and  Garces  left  him  in 
charge  of  the  Pimas. 

Confiding  in  divine  providence  and  trusting  to  the 
good  will  of  the  Indians,  Garces  traveled  about  30 
leagues  to  a  large  laguna  inhabited  by  Jalchedunes. 
Further  on  among  these  Indians  he  saw  very  many  of 
them,  and  large  crops  of  wheat;  he  went  to  their  con- 
fines, and  named  some  Rancherias  de  San  Antonio 
(as  we  are  told  beyond,  at  date  of  Aug.  6-8,  1776), 
but  no  further  up  the  Colorado,  for  next  came  .the 
Quilmurs,  their  cruel  enemies.  He  sought  what  in- 
formation he  could  regarding  the  Moquis,  whom  he 
was  very  anxious  to  visit;  but  finding  it  impossible 
to  go  there,  he  turned  back  with  one  Jalchedun 
chosen  as  his  guide,  who  carried  a  pot  of  water  on  his 
head,  in  one  hand  a  firebrand,  and  in  the  other  a  stick 
with  which  to  stimulate   the  jaded  horse;  notwith- 


46  FOURTH    ENTRADA. 

standing  which  impedimenta,  whenever  the  padre 
needed  it  the  Indian  would  make  him  a  porridge  of 
wheat  flour,  their  only  provision  for  the  journey.  In 
such  plight  he  reached  the  Cocomaricopas,  who 
passed  him  on  to  the  Pimas  Gilenos.  The  latter  had 
returned  from  a  campaign  against  the  Apaches,  and 
their  horses  were  worn  out;  so  Garces  was  detained 
among  them  for  some  days,  for  which  he  was  con- 
soled by  finding  them  well  inclined  to  christianism. 

Garces  did  not  thence  regain  his  mission  of  San 
Xavier  del  Bac  by  the  route  the  expedition  had  taken, 
but  by  way  of  some  wells  by  which  in  the  driest  sea- 
son the  route  is  practicable  from  the  Gila.  His  long, 
arduous  peregrination  ended  on  July  10,  1774,  when 
he  entered  his  mission,  having  seen  in  all  those  terri- 
tories, according  to  the  prudent  estimate  he  made  of 
their  population,  about  24,000  gentiles. 


The  foregoing  brings  Garces  up  to  the  date  of  his 
Fifth  Entrada,  1775-76,  which  forms  the  subject  of 
the  work  now  before  us. 


DIARY  OF  GARC^S. 

1775-76. 


CHAPTER  I. 

OFFICIALITIES    AND    OTHER     PRELIMINARIES,    TO 
OCTOBER    21,    1775.* 

Diary  kept  by  Padre  Fray  Francisco  Garces,  son 
of  the  College  of  the  Holy  Cross  of  Queretaro,1  on 
the  journey  that  he  made  in  the  year  1775  [and  1776] 
by  command  of  the  Most  Excellent  Senor  Don  Fr. 
Antonio  Maria  Bucareli  y  Vrsua,2  lieutenant-general, 
viceroy,  governor,  and  captain-general  of  this  New 
Spain,  made  known  by  his  letter  of  26  of  January  of 
the  same  year,  determined  in  the  council  of  war  held 
at  Mexico  on  the  28th  of  November  of  the  preceding 
year,  and  likewise  ordered  by  the  Reverend  Padre 
Fray  Romualdo  Cartagena,  guardian  of  said  college, 
by  letter  of  20th  of  January  of  '75,  and  by  his  suc- 
cessor the  Reverend  Padre  Fray  Diego  Ximenez  by 

*  The  notes  to  this  chapter  are  too  long  to  be  set  on  the  pages 
where  they  belong.    They  will  be  found  at  the  end  of  the  chapter. 


48  OFFICIALITIES. 

letter  of  17th  of  February  of  the  same  year;  in  which 
I  am  ordered,  together  with  another  religious,  to  join 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Don  Juan  Bautista  de  Ansa  3  and 
the  Reverend  Padre  Fray  Pedro  Font,4  who  go  to  the 
Puerto  de  San  Francisco;  and  accompanying  them  to 
the  Rio  Colorado,  there  to  wait  their  return  with  the 
companion  that  I  may  have  with  me;  and  in  the 
meanwhile  to  examine  the  country,  treat  with  the 
neighboring  nations,  and  investigate  the  animus  and 
adaptability  (el  ammo  y  disposition)  of  the  natives  for 
the  catechism  and  vassalage  of  our  sovereign.5 

Preliminary  Remarks. 

This  Diary  is  accompanied  by  a  map,  which  P.  F. 
Pedro  Font  has  made  with  the  greatest  care,  I  being 
present  to  give  him  at  least  all  those  notes  from  the 
Diary  which  could  serve  to  the  end  that  it  should 
prove  correct.  The  observations,  courses,  and  dis- 
tances that  I  give,  as  far  as  Laguna  de  Santa  Olalla,8 
are  the  same  as  those  that  are  given  in  his  diary  and 
map  by  the  said  Font,  in  whose  company  I  went  to 
the  Rio  Colorado,  and  whom  I  met  again  at  said 
laguna.  The  rest  I  made  with  the  quadrant  fur- 
nished me  by  said  padre;  but  through  my  lack  of 
practice  they  cannot  come  out  exact.  On  the  map 
is  found  the  route  marked  with  dots,  with  numbers  of 


PRELIMINARIES.  49 

the  jornadas  for  greater  clearness;  as  also  are  con- 
spicuous the  nations,  and  the  names  thereof,  with 
smaller  dots,  in  order  that  may  be  better  understood 
their  location  and  the  direction  in  which  it  extends; 
though  it  is  true  that  this  is  to  some  extent  based  only 
on  prudent  estimates.  Having  seen  such  a  variety 
of  nations,  their  respective  friendships,  hostilities,  and 
commerces,  though  not  at  one  and  the  same  time; 
and  inasmuch  as,  through  what  was  said  to  me  in 
some  of  them  and  what  I  saw  in  others,  I  learned  in 
one  nation  what  had  not  been  told  me  in  another;  it 
has  seemed  to  me  proper  to  give  separate  notices  of 
them  all  at  the  end  of  the  diary;  and,  by  bringing  to- 
gether all  the  information  acquired,  to  show  the  con- 
nection of  every  nation  with  all  the  others — which  are 
the  dominant  ones,  which  are  friendly,  which  are  hos- 
tile; their  commerces,  and  the  extent  of  such;  and 
finally,  as  a  consequence  of  all  this,  to  set  forth  the 
means  which  experience  has  shown  me  to  be  the  best 
to  the  end  of  entirely  subduing  the  Apache  nation 
and  of  facilitating  the  communication  of  Monte-Rey 
and  of  New  Mexico  with  these  Provinces.7 

Agreeably  to  orders,  Padre  Fray  Tomas  Eisarc  9 
was  designated  as  my  companion.  Foreseeing  that 
I  could  not  explain  myself  better  to  the  Indians  than 
with  images  of  the  kind  most  familiar  to  their  sight, 
I  determined  to  carry  a  linen  print  of  Maria  Santisima 


50  QUERETARO. 

with  Nino  Dios  in  her  arms,  having  on  the  other  side 
the  picture  of  a  lost  soul.9  In  all  the  entradas  10  I 
have  made  among  the  gentiles  I  have  observed  that 
the  divine  crucifix  which  I  wore  on  my  breast  caused 
their  devotion;  they  adored  it,  and  confessed  to  me 
that  it  was  a  good  thing,  as  will  be  seen  beyond. 

Notes. 

1  Queretaro  is  at  present  a  flourishing  place,  the  capital  of  the 
Mexican  State  of  the  same  name,  situated  in  a  valley  some 
1 10-120  miles  N.  W.  of  Mexico;  it  has  a  pop.  approx.  of  40,000. 
Among  its  notabilia  are  the  numerous  churches  and  other  eccle- 
siastical edifices,  manufacturing  establishments,  and  especially 
the  fine  aqueduct  built  at  the  expense  of  the  Marques  de  Villar 
del  Aquila,  whose  statue  stands  in  one  of  the  plazas.  Late  his- 
torical matters  are  principally  two:  The  ratification  here  of 
peace  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico  by  the  Guadalupe- 
Hidalgo  treaty  of  1848;  and  the  capture  and  execution  in  1867 
of  the  estimable  gentleman  who  would  be  emperor — for  Maxi- 
milian took  refuge  here  in  February  of  that  year,  was  captured 
on  May  15  by  the  force  under  General  Escobedo,  and  on  June  19 
was  shot,  with  his  Generals  Miramon  and  Mejia,  on  the  Cerro 
de  las  Campanas,  or  Hill  of  the  Bells,  overlooking  the  town. 

But  the  history  of  Queretaro  goes  back  to  the  ancient  period 
when  it  was  an  Indian  pueblo  whose  site  had  been  captured  by 
Spanish  allies.  It  became  a  city  in  1655,  and  has  always  been 
one  of  the  soundest  strongholds  of  Spanish  ecclesiasticism  in 
Mexico,  since  the  foundation  of  the  College  of  the  Holy  Cross, 
of  which  our  author  was  a  "  son."  The  first  official  chronicle 
of  this  college  was  written  by  the  R.  P.  Fr.  Isidro  Felis  (or 
Felix)  de  Espinosa,  and  published  at  Mexico  in  the  year  1746. 
It  makes  a  folio  volume,  the  major  part  of  the  title  of  which  is: 


quer£taro.  51 

Chronica  Apostolica,  y  Seraphica  de  Todos  los  Colegios  de 
Propaganda  Fide  de  esta  Nueva-Espana,  de  Missioneros  Frau- 
ciscanos  Observantes:  erigidos  con  autoridad  pontifica,  y  regia, 
para  la  reformacion  de  los  Fieles,  y  Conversion  de  los  Gentile^ 
Consagrada  a  la  Milagrosa  Cruz  de  Piedra,  que  como  titular  se 
venera  en  su  primer  Colegio  de  Propaganda  Fide  de  la  muy 
Ilustre  Ciudad  de  San-Tiago  de  Queretaro.  The  chronicler, 
Espinosa,  who  was  ex-guardian,  etc.,  of  said  college,  brings 
his  work  down  to  date,  in  what  was  designed  to  be  a  Parte 
Primera  of  the  whole  history  of  the  institution,  and  which 
proved  in  fact  to  be  such  when  the  story  was  resumed  in  a  com- 
panion volume  published  in  1792,  as  Segunda  Parte,  by  Arri- 
civita,  whom  I  have  already  so  extensively  quoted  regarding 
the  biography  and  previous  entradas  of  Garces.  Espinosa's 
work  is  a  faithful  and  valuable  chronicle,  in  all  material  facts; 
but  the  author  was  an  adept  in  the  superstitious  bigotry  of  his 
day  and  generation,  and  dwells  with  true  sacerdotal  unction 
upon  the  miraculous. 

The  record  ostensibly  begins  with  the  year  1445,  in  Espi- 
nosa's first  chapter,  treating  of  the  foundation  of  the  Pueblo 
de  Queretaro  in  the  time  of  Mothecusuma  Ilhuicamina,  "  first 
of  that  name."  Chapter  ii  gives  the  origin  v.T  the  most  holy 
cross  of  stone  with  heavenly  portents  and  other  prodigies,  and 
tells  how  it  was  planted  on  the  very  spot  where  it  continued  to 
be  venerated  from  1531  for  the  210  years  thence  to  1741,  when 
Espinosa  wrote  his  book.  Chapter  iii  establishes  with  greater 
firmness  what  went  before,  says  who  were  the  first  ministers, 
describes  Queretaro,  etc.  Chapter  iv  describes  the  cult  of  the 
most  holy  cross,  and  how  it  grew  apace.  In  chapter  v  our 
miraculous  stone  cross  manifests  its  strange  tremors  and  other 
movements;  in  chapter  vi  we  have  the  portent  of  the  growth 
of  the  cross  "  experimentally  authenticated."  Chapter  vii  de- 
scribes the  miracles  which  the  cross  worked  upon  its  devotees; 
and  yet  other  miracles  operated  in  Espinosa's  own  time  are 
given  in  chapter  viii.     All  of  which  ia  rattier  curious  than  edify- 


52  QUERETARO. 

ing;  but  after  thus  setting  his  stage  with  the  usual  theological 
properties  the  author  proceeds  to  sober  history,  which  may  be 
used  with  confidence  that  it  is  the  best  chronicle  we  possess 
regarding  the  foundation  and  early  history  of  the  Queretaronian 
College  of  the  Holy  Cross  of  which  Garces  speaks. 

It  appears  from  Espinosa,  and  from  other  authorities  accessi- 
ble to  me,  or  digested  by  Bancroft  in  Hist.  Mex.,  ii,  p.  539,  seq., 
that  the  25th  of  July,  1522  or  1531,  was  the  date  of  a  battle 
which  may  be  considered  as  opening  the  present  case.  In  those 
years  Aztec  civilization  extended  little  beyond  the  valley  of 
Mexico,  and  wild  tribes  of  the  mountain  fastnesses  had  the  col- 
lective name  of  Chichimecos.  The  first  expedition  against 
them  seems  to  have  been  undertaken  not  by  the  Spaniards,  but 
by  their  Mexican  and  Otomi  allies.  We  hear  of  a  certain 
christianized  Otomi  cacique  named  in  Spanish  Nicolas  de  San 
Luis  de  Montanez,  who  with  the  cacique  called  Fernando  de 
Tapia  raised  a  force  to  fight  the  Chichimecos  on  that  July  25. 
The  enemy,  to  the  alleged  number  of  25,000  (!),  were  posted 
on  a  hill  near  Queretaro,  afterward  called  Cerrito  Colorado  or 
Sangre  Mai;  so  they  had  the  advantage  of  position,  while  the 
allies  had  the  offsetting  advantage  of  Spanish  weapons  of  war. 
The  heroics  of  the  situation,  just  before  the  fight  began,  have 
come  down  to  us  in  this  shape:  "  O  you  brave  men,  perched  on 
a  hill,"  cries  San  Luis,  "  come  down  and  fight,  if  you  are  not 
afraid!  "  "  Very  fine,  no  doubt,  you  renegade  dogs  of  the  Span- 
iards," says  the  Chichimec  chieftain  called  Coyote;  "lay  aside 
your  borrowed  weapons  and  we  will  come  down."  "  Unman- 
nerly and  beastly  Chichimecos  that  you  are,"  says  San  Luis, 
"we  can  whip  you  with  no  weapons.  See!  we  lay  them  all 
aside;  heap  yours  on  them,  put  a  guard  over  all,  and  come  on! " 
So  they  went  at  it  tooth  and  nail,  like  fighting  cocks  (d 
puneles  y  patadas  y  a  mordidas  camo  gallos,  says  one  chronicler). 
Well,  the  allies  whipped  the  Chichimecos,  some  of  the  latter 
were  baptized  later  by  one  Padre  Juan  Bautista,  and  thus  the 
scene  opens  on  Queretaro,  in  1522  or  1531 — the  latter  date  being 


QUERETARO.  53 

assigned  by  most  chroniclers,  the  former  by  San  Luis  himself, 
who  adds  to  his  story  the  interesting  statement  that  the  sun 
stood  still  during  the  battle,  and  the  Virgin  Mary,  the  apostle 
St.  James,  and  St.  Francis  appeared  upon  the  scene.  Espinosa 
draws  it  more  mildly,  being  content  with  the  apparition  of  St. 
James  standing  by  the  side  of  a  bright  red-and-white  cross 
which  was  visible  through  the  smoke  of  the  arquebuses,  and 
which  decided  the  contest.  The  Chichimecos  would  seem  to 
have  experienced  not  only  a  reverse  in  war,  but  a  speedy  and 
total  change  of  heart;  nothing  would  satisfy  them  but  the  erec- 
tion of  a  real  cross  of  stone,  to  commemorate  the  apparition  of 
the  heavenly  one  on  the  very  spot — a  cross  which  should  be 
everlasting  (para  siempre  jamas).  So  a  stone-cutter  who  hap- 
pened to  be  conveniently  at  hand,  and  was  appropriately  named 
Juan  de  la  Cruz,  was  miraculously  guided  to  a  quarry  of  red, 
white,  and  blue  stone,  out  of  which  he  shaped  the  required 
object,  three  varas  tall,  in  the  course  of  24  hours.  "  Se  formo 
de  cinco  piedras  blancas  y  roxas  milagrosamente  halladas." 
Other  miracles  followed  in  due  course;  for  example,  San  Luis 
says,  "  Parece  que  estabamos  en  la  gloria,  se  aparecio  alii  una 
nube  blanca,  tan  hermosa,  sombreando  a  la  santa  cruz  y  tenien- 
dola  cuatro  angeles;  luego  el  olor  que  olia  tan  hermoso  que 
todos  lo  vimos  que  luego  hizo  milagro  la  santa  cruz."  While 
they  were  thus  in  glory  with  four  angels  in  sight,  and  things 
were  smelling  so  sweet,  it  would  seem  that  some  practical  per- 
son had  ground  measured  around  the  holy  cross  for  a  church, 
and  made  certain  land  grants;  but  we  hear  of  no  settlement  of 
Queretaro  till  the  time  assigned  for  its  becoming  a  town  or 
city,  about  1555,  as  above  said.  The  cross  not  only  enjoyed 
voluntary  motion,  but  in  due  time  grew  exactly  one  vara  bigger 
than  it  had  been  at  first.  "  The  first  Franciscans  in  Queretaro 
lived  in  the  small  straw  convent  where  the  holy  cross  was  sub- 
sequently kept;  afterward  they  moved  to  the  principal  convent, 
which  about  1566  was  placed  by  the  Santo  Evangelio  under  the 
province  of  Michoacan,"   Bancroft,  I.  c.     Espinosa's  statement 


54  QUERETARO. 

to  like  effect  is  in  these  words,  cap.  iv,  p.  n:  "  Consta  de  testi- 
monies autenticos,  que  tengo  a  la  vista,  averse  colocado  nuestra 
Cruz,  al  tiempo  de  la  Conquista  de  Queretaro:  y  que  entonces 
se  le  formo  Hermita  de  materiales  campestres,  y  se  hicieron 
Celdas  pajizas  para  los  Religiosos  pocos  que  avia,  y  una 
vivienda  contigua,  que  sirvio  de  Hospital  para  curacion  de  los 
Naturales.  Este  fue  en  aquellos  principios  el  primer  Convento, 
y  la  primera  Iglesia  que  huvo  en  Queretaro  para  administrar 
los  Santos  Sacrametos;  y  podemos  con  razon  affirmar  aver  sido 
la  primitiva  Parroquia,  pues  en  ella  se  bautizaban,  casaban, 
y  enterraban  los  que  se  convirtieron  del  Gentilismo." 

The  name  Queretaro  is  given  as  a  Tarascan  word  meaning 
a  game  of  ball,  or  a  place  where  the  game  is  played,  and  as 
equivalent  in  this  sense  to  a  Mexican  word  Taxco  or  Tlacho, 
also  sometimes  used  as  the  name  of  the  same  settlement.  On 
desiring  Mr.  Hodge  to  look  up  this  matter,  I  am  favored  with 
the  following:  Simeon,  Diet,  de  la  Langue  Nahuatl,  gives,  under 
tlachochololtiliztli,  "  action  de  lancer,  de  jeter  une  balle."  Under 
chololiztli  I  find:  "  fuite,  saut,  chute,  courant."  Antonio  Pena- 
fiel,  in  his  Nombres  Geograficos  de  Mexico,  gives  Tlachco: 
"  En  el  juego  de  pelota,"  de  tlachtli  y  co,  que  designa  lugar. 
Dice  el  P.  Baltasar  de  Medina  en  la  Cronica  de  la  Provincia  de 
San  Diego  (fol.  250,  aho  de  1682) :  '  El  nombre  de  Tlacho,  que 
es  su  propia  voz,  quiere  decir:  jugadero  de  pelota;  entretenimi- 
ento  que  usaron  con  varias  ceremonias  los  indios  llamando  al 
lugar  donde  jugaban  Tlachco,  como  refiere  Torquemada.  No  ha 
faltado  quien  juzgue  que  esta  voz  Tazco  que  prevalece  hoy,  es 
imposcion  de  los  Espanoles,  con  memoria  de  la  que  refiere 
Plinio,  describiendo  una  tierra  blanca,  semejante  a  la  arcilla, 
a  proposito  para  formar  de  ella  crisoles  y  hornazas:  calidades 
de  aquel  suelo  en  algunas  partes.'  Simeon,  above  cited,  gives 
under  Tlachtli:  "  Jeu  de  balle,  sorte  de  jeu  de  paume,  dispose 
ordinairement  dans  une  salle  basse,  longue  et  etroite.  Une  raie, 
que  Ton  nommait  tlecotl,  etait  tracee  au  milieu  du  jeu;  on  y 
faisait  usage  de  balles  en  ullin  ou  caoutchouc."     Regarding  the 


BUCARELI.  55 

word  Queretaro  Mr.  Hodge  notes  the  following  in  Orozco  y 
Berra,  Geografia  de  las  Lenguas,  1864,  p.  259:  "  En  aquella 
sazon  retorno  Bocanegra  con  el  religioso  prometido:  ambji 
fueron  cordialmente  recibidos,  y  otomies  y  chichimecas  tunda- 
ron  la  ciudad  Queretaro,  nombre  que  vino,  de  que  en  la 
primera  visita  de  Hernan  Perez,  los  tarascos  que  le  acompaha- 
ban  llamaron  al  lugar  Querenda  (pefia),  de  donde  derivo  decir 
a  la  poblacion  Querendaro  (pueblo  de  peiia),  y  corrompido  el 
vocablo  se  dijo  Queretaro.  Conni  recibio  en  el  bautismo  el 
nombre  de  D.  Hernando  de  Tapia,  muriendo  hacia  el  afio  de 
1571:  la  relacion  de  prodiga  muchas  alabanzas,  atribuyendo'.e 
grandes  virtudes  y  los  adelantos  de  la  poblacion." 

!  El  Bailio  Fr.  D.  Antonio  Maria  de  Bucareli  y  Ursua,  Hene- 
strosa,  Laso  de  la  Vega,  Villacis  y  Cordova,  Caballero  Gran 
Cruz,  y  Comendador  de  la  Bobeda  de  Toro  (or  de  la  Tocina)  en 
el  orden  de  San  Juan,  Gentil  Hombre  de  la  Camara  de  su  Ma- 
gestad  con  Entrada,  Teniente  General  de  los  Reales  Exercitos, 
Virrey,  Gobernador  y  Capitan  General  del  Reyno  de  Nueva 
Espafia,  Presidente  de  su  Real  Audiencia,  Superintendente  Gen- 
eral de  Real  Hacienda,  Presidente  de  la  Junta  de  Tabaco,  Juez 
Conservador  de  este  Ramo,  y  Subdelegado  General  de  la  Renta 
de  Correos  Maritimos  en  el  mismo  Reyno,  etc. 

Otherwise  Sir  Anthony  M.  Bucareli,  etc.,  Grand  Cross  Knight 
Commander  of  the  Vault  of  the  Bull  (or  of  the  Tocina— what- 
ever that  may  be)  in  the  Order  of  St.  John  of  Malta,  Gentleman 
of  His  Majesty's  chamber  with  right  of  entrance,  Lieutenant- 
General  of  the  Royal  Armies,  Viceroy,  Governor  and  Captain- 
General  of  the  Kingdom  of  New  Spain,  President  of  its  Royal 
Audience,  Superintendent  General  of  the  Royal  Exchequer, 
President  of  the  Tobacco  Commission,  Judge  Advocate  of  that 
Branch,  and  Subdelegate  General  of  Marine  Mail  Revenue  in 
the  same  Kingdom,  etc. — at  a  salary  of  $60,000  to  $80,000  a  year, 
was  nevertheless  a  truly  good  as  well  as  a  very  great  man,  and 
the  forty-sixth  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  now  commonly  and  con- 
veniently called  Bucareli  for  short. 


56  BUCARELI. 

It  has  been  said  that  probably  his  right  of  way  in  the  king's 
chamber  was  not  granted  till  after  1776;  but  I  find  this  title  on 
a  printed  document  bearing  his  autograph  signature  of  date 
Mar.  9,  1776  (see  accompanying  plate).  All  of  his  many  auto- 
graphs I  have  inspected  are  written  "  Bucarely,"  but  the  last 
letter  is  really  a  flourished  i,  not  to  be  printed  y.  He  was  a 
native  of  Seville,  related  to  noble  families  of  Spain  and  Italy, 
and  descended  on  the  paternal  side  from  a  Florentine  family 
which  included  popes,  cardinals,  and  other  dignitaries,  while  the 
Ursuas,  on  his  mother's  side,  were  related  to  dukes  of  Albur- 
querque,  Lerma,  Denia,  Alba,  Arcos,  etc.  His  portrait,  by  Fran- 
cisco Antonio  Vallejo,  1772,  hangs  in  the  Museo  Nacional  of 
Mexico,  and  a  print  is  inserted  on  p.  852  of  Mexico  a  T raves  de 
los  Siglos.  A  promenade  in  the  City  of  Mexico  bears  some  of 
his  name. 

This  nobleman  had  served  with  distinction  in  various  military 
and  high  civil  capacities  and  was  governor  of  Cuba  when  he 
received  from  Carlos  III.  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Spain.  He 
left  Habana  Aug.  14,  1771,  reached  Vera  Cruz  23d,  and  was 
met  at  the  Pueblo  de  San  Cristobal  Ecatepec  by  an  official 
deputation  on  Sept.  2,  then  and  there  receiving  the  viceregal 
baton  from  his  predecessor,  Marques  de  Croix.  His  entry  into 
the  capital  next  day,  the  3d,  was  triumphal:  and  he  took  oath 
of  office  as  viceroy,  governor,  captain-general,  president  of  the 
Real  Audiencia,  etc.,  which  he  held  until  his  untimely  death  on 
Apr.  9,  1779.  His  administration  was  wise,  strong,  beneficent, 
and  happy;  he  made  an  ideal  ruler,  beloved  and  honored  by  all. 
His  eulogists  were  many:  one  of  them  says  that  his  period  may 
be  called  "  an  epoch  of  uninterrupted  felicity  for  New  Spain. 
Divine  Providence  would  seem  to  have  rewarded  his  virtues  by 
visiting  every  sort  of  prosperity  upon  the  country  over  which 
he  ruled."  The  body  lay  in  state  at  the  palace  till  the  13th,  was 
that  day  deposited  in  the  convent  of  San  Francisco,  and  the 
remains  were  finally  interred  in  the  colegiata  of  Guadalupe  on 
Oct.  29,  after  the  heart  and  other  viscera  had  been  divided  as 


-(*)> 


" 


EL  BAILIO  FR.D.  ANTONIO  MARIA  BUCARELI  Y  URSUA, 

Enedrofa, Lafo.de  la  Vega,  Villacisy  Cdrdova,  Caballcro  Gran  Cruz  y  Comendidor 
de  la  B6beda  dc  Toro  en  el  Orden  de  S.  Juan,  Gentil  I  lombre  de  Camara  de  S  M, 
con  entrada,  Teniente  General  de  loi  Reales  ExeVcitos,  Virrey  Gobernador  y  Capital! 
General  del  Reyno  de  Nueva  Efpana,  Prefidente  de  fu  Real  Audiencia,  Superinten- 
dente  General  de  Real  I  iacienda  y  Ramo  del  Tabaco,  Juez  Confervador  de  efte,  Prefi* 
dente  de  fujunta,  y  Subdelegado  General  de  la  Rcnta  dc  Correos  en  el  mifmo  Reyno. 

lOncedo  libre  y  feguro  Pafaporte  a   (       t'/i&wi 


y/ejtrwuj   \  '      r   v     ''  ' 


n 

.  /  r  t   / 


Y  los  Jufticlas,  Govcrhadores  de  Indios,  Ducfios,  6  Adminlftradores  de  Hacienda,  Ranchos,  6 
Cafas,  le  facilitaran  el  alojamiento  correfpondicnte,  y  los  vagages  refpcclivos,  pagandolcs 
anticipado  medio  real  por  la  legua  dc  cada  vagagc  defde  aqui  a  toda  ticrra  dentro;  y 
desde  efta  Capital  &  Veracruz,  Pucbla,  u  otros  Parages  de  Oaxaca,  pagaran  a  razon  de  un 
real  por  legua  franqueandolc  tambien  los  demas  auxilios  que  pucdan  convcnirlcs  para  fu 
viagc,  y  fines  de  fu  dcfiino,  y  el  que  ah  no  lo  cxccutarc,  fera  rigorofaracntc  caftigado. 
pario  en  Mexico  a"      rru&re.        dc  ^  <fUtmu  dc  mil  fetecicntos  fetcnta  y      \  . 


1   (A&Cc  /w.  ^mt 


~~6" 


^ 


1   ICS1MI1  E   OF    DOC1  Ml  \  I    SIGNED    B\     Bl  I    \K1I  I 


ANZA.  57 

holy  relics  between  the  Capuchin  nunnery,  the  Casa  de  Ejerci- 
cios  of  San  Felipe,  and  perhaps  another  pious  establish- 
ment. 

'The  same  accomplished  officer  who  has  been  already  men- 
tioned as  in  command  of  the  California  expedition  in  connection 
with  which  Garces  made  his  Fourth  Entrada,  1774:  see  back, 
pp.  38-46.  Anza  or  Ansa  comes  into  our  records  as  a  captain 
about  the  years  1765-66,  in  connection  with  various  operations 
against  Apaches.  In  1764  and  for  some  years  afterward  he  was 
in  command  of  the  garrison  at  Tubac.  He  was  still  a  captain 
in  1774,  but  at  present  we  find  him  a  lieutenant-colonel,  who  left 
Tubac  on  this  his  second  Californian  expedition  Oct.  23,  1775. 
It  greatly  redounded  to  his  renown,  and  he  soon  became  the 
governor  of  New  Mexico,  succeeding  Colonel  Pedro  Firmin  de 
Mendinueta  in  that  office.  Mendinueta,  who  was  the  last  to 
hold  the  title  of  governor  and  captain-general,  retired  in  March, 
1778;  and  the  same  year,  after  a  brief  period  of  an  acting  gov- 
ernorship under  Francisco  Trebol  Navarro,  he  was  succeeded 
by  Anza,  as  political  and  military  governor.  Anza's  appoint- 
ment dates  June,  1777;  his  assumption  of  office  is  somewhat 
uncertain;  he  seems  to  have  been  actually  governor  in  June,  1778, 
and  certainly  was  such  by  January  of  1779.  He  governed  New 
Mexico  till  late  in  1789,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  Fernando 
de  la  Concha.  Anza  was  "  a  native  of  Sonora,  a  man  of  excel- 
lent ability  and  character,  and  of  wide  experience  in  Indian 
warfare.  He  seems  to  have  proved  in  every  way  worthy  of  the 
Caballero  de  Croix's  high  esteem;  yet  with  all  his  energy  he 
effected  but  slight  change  for  the  better  in  New  Mexican  affairs. 
His  first  recorded  enterprise  was  a  campaign  against  the  Co- 
manches  with  a  force  of  645  men,  including  85  soldiers  and  259 
Indians.  His  course  was  north  and  northeast  for  some  95  miles, 
and  the  result  was  the  killing  of  Cuerno  Verde  [or  Green 
Horn],  the  famous  Comanche  chieftain  [from  whom  appear 
to  have  been  named  certain  mountains  in  Colorado],  with  four 
of  his   leading  sub-chiefs,   his  high-priest,   his  eldest   son   and 


58      FONT — CARLOS  III. — SANTA  OLALLA. 

heir,  and  32  of  his  warriors":  see  Bancroft,  Hist.  Ariz,  and 
N.  M.,  p.  264  et  seq.,  where  a  further  account  of  Anza  is  given, 
and  original  documents  relating  to  this  Comanche  campaign 
are  cited.    The  date  of  the  campaign  was  Aug.-Sept.,  1779. 

*  Font  accompanied  Anza's  expedition  throughout,  proved  a 
troublesome  fellow  and  a  model  journalist,  whose  narrative  of 
the  affair  is  extant,  and  has  been  repeatedly  drawn  upon  by 
historians  of  California  and  others,  often  incorrectly  or  per- 
versely. His  original  MS.,  in  his  own  handwriting,  is  now  in 
my  hands,  making  a  small  quarto  of  pp.  336,  finished  at  Tubu- 
tama,  May  11,  1777,  with  Font's  signature.  The  precious  vol- 
ume belongs  to  the  John  Carter  Brown  Library  of  Providence, 
R.  I.  By  generous  permission  of  Mr.  John  Nicholas  Brown 
and  Mr.  George  Parker  Winship  I  am  authorized  to  use  it  at  my 
discretion.  It  serves  to  check,  corroborate,  and  amplify  some 
portions  of  Garces'  own  narrative;  and  I  hope  to  publish  it  in 
full  as  the  next  one  of  the  American  Explorer  Series. 

s  Carlos  III. — Charles  the  Third,  b.  Jan.  20,  1716,  second  son 
of  Philip  V.,  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies  1735-59,  King  of  Spain 
Dec.  9,  1759,  to  his  death  Dec.  14,  1788.  His  most  notable  act, 
so  far  as  we  are  at  present  concerned,  was  the  expulsion  of  the 
Jesuits  from  all  Spanish  dominions  in  1767,  thus  bringing  the 
Franciscans  into  power  in  New  Spain.  This  extremely  impor- 
tant consummation  was  effected  by  order  of  Viceroy  Marques 
de  Croix,  dated  June  25,  1767.  The  document  may  be  read, 
e.  £.,  in  Mexico  a  Traves  de  los  Siglos,  pp.  841,  842,  preceded 
on  pp.  840,  841  by  the  Real  pragmatica  ending  "  Rubricado  de 
la  Real  mano  en  el  Pardo,  a  27  de  Marzo  de  1767. — Al  Conde 
de  Aranda,  Presidente  del  Consejo."  The  King  has  deigned 
"  mandar  a  Consulta  de  su  Real  Consejo,  y  por  Decreto  expe- 
dido  el  viente  y  siete  de  Febrero  ultimo  (1767),  se  extranen," 
etc.     I  present  the  proclamation  in  facsimile  (see  plate). 

"  Or  Santa  Olaya,  otherwise  Santa  Eulalia  de  Merida,  virgin 
and  martyr  under  Diocletian;  her  day  Dec.  10.  On  the  locality, 
see  a  note  beyond,  at  date  of  Dec.  6. 


1) 


ON   CARLOS  FRANCISCO 

D£  CROIX,  Marques de Croix, Cavnllero del Orden  deCala- 
trava,  Comcndador  de  Molinos,  y  Laguna  Rota  en  la  mifma  Or- 
den,  Theniente  General  delosRealesExercitos  de  S.M.  Vir- 
rey,  Governador,  y  Capitan  General  del  Reyno  de  Nueva-Efc 
pafia,  PreGdente  de  fu  Real  Audiencia,  Superintendente  gene- 
ral de  Real  Hazienda,  y  Ramodel  Tabacodeel,  Prefidente  de 
h  Junta,  y  JuezConlervadordeefte  Ramo,  Subdelegado  ge- 
neral del  Eftablecimiento  de  Correos  Maritimos  en  el  miimo 
Reyno. 


Ago  faber  a  todos  los  habitantes  decile  Imperio,  que  el  Rcy  nutf- 
tro  Senor  por  refultas  de  las  ocurrencias  pafladas,  y  para  cumplir  la 
piimiriva  obligacion  con  que  Dios  le  concedio  la  Corona  de  confer* 
var  ilefos  los  So  vcranos  refpetos  de  ella,  y  de  mantener  fus  leales,  y 
amados  Pueblos  en  fubordi  nation,  tranquilidad,  y  Jufticia,  a  demas 
de  otras  gravifGmas  caufas  que  referva  en  fu  Real  animo;  fe  ha  digna- 
do  mandar  a  Confulta  de  iu  Real  Confejo,  y  por  Decreto  expedido  el  veinre  y  6ete 
de  Febrero  ultimo,  fe  extraHen  de  todos  fus  Dominies  de  Efpana,  e  Indias,  Islas  Phtlipt- 
nas,  y  demas  adyacentes  a  los  Religiofos  de  la  Companies,  affi  Sacerdotes,  como  Coad/iitcres, 
o  Legos,  que  ha)  an  hecho  la  primer  a  Profejjion-,  y  a  los  Novicios  que  quiperen  Jeguirlesi 
j  que  fe  ocupen  todas  las  tetnporabdades  de  la  Cotnpaffia  en  fus  Dominios.  Y  haviendo 
S.  M.  para  la  execucion  uniforme  en  todos ellos, autorizado  privativamence  alExir.d. 
Senor  Conde  de  Aranda,  Prefidente  de  Camilla,  y  comctidome  fu  cumplimiento  en 
efte  Reyno  con  la  mifma  plenicud  de  facultades,  afigmf  el  dia  de  hoy  para  la  inti- 
fnacion  de  la  Suprcma  Sentencia  a  los  Expulfos  en  fus  Colegios,  y  Galas  de  Refi- 
dencia  de  efta  Nueva-Efpaua,  y  rambien  para  anunciarla  i  los  Pueblos  de  ella,  con 
la  prevencion  de  que,  eftando  eftrechamente  obligados  todos  los  Vaflallos  de  qual- 
quiera  dignidad,  clafe,  y  condicion  que  lean,  a  rclpetar,  y  obedecer  las  fiempre  juf- 
xas  refoluciones  de  fu  Soverano,  deben  venerar,  auxiliar,  y  cumplir  efta  con  la  ma- 
yor exaclitud,  y  fidclidad;  porque  S.  M.  declara  incurfos  en  fu  Real  indignacion  a 
los  inubedientes,  6  remiflbs  en  coadyuvar  a  fu  cumplimiento,  y  me  verc  precifTado 
a  ular  del  ultimo  rigor,  y  de  execucion  Militar  contra  los  que  en  publico,  6  fecreto 
Trrzieren,  coo  efte  motivo,  convcrfaciones.  junta*,  afambleas,  corrillos,  6  difcurfos 
de  palabra,  6  por  eicrito;  pues  de  una  vez  para  lo"  venidero  deben  faber  los  Subdi- 
tos  de  el  gran  Monarca  que  ocupa  el  Trono  de  Efparia,  que  nacieron  para  callar,  y 
obedecer,  y  no  para  difcurrir,  ni  opinar  en  los  altos  aflumptos  dclGovicrno.  Mexico 
veiote  y  cinco  de  Junio  de  mil  fetecientos  fefeota  y  fietc. 


El  Marquis  de  Croix* 
Por  maodado  de  fu  Exiu 

FACSIMILE   OF   PROCLAMATION    EXPELLING   JESUITS   BY    THE    ICAXQJtjftfl    M   CROIX, 
JUNE    25,    1767.   (FROM   AN   ORIGINAL    IN    POSSESSION    OF   MR.    F.    W.    HODGB) 


PROVINCIAS   INTERNAS.  59 

7  The  Apache  nation  and  Monterey  are  each  fully  noted  else- 
where. Here  it  will  be  convenient  to  explain  what  Garces 
means  by  "  these  provinces  " — the  Provincias  Internas  de  la 
Reyno  de  Nueba  Espana,  a  political  partition  of  Spanish  Amer- 
ica dating  from  Aug.  22,  1776,  when  a  real  cedula  de  nuebo 
reglamento  made  an  official  colonial  division  of  what  had  been 
vaguely  recognized  under  the  same  name  since  the  17th  century 
as  the  northern  parts  of  Mexico.  Agreeably  with  this  order, 
a  new  government  was  formed  for  the  Provincias  Internas  in 
1777>  apart  from  the  Viceroyalty  of  New  Spain,  and  including 
Nueba  Viscaya  (practically  equivalent  to  modern  Chihuahua 
and  Durango),  Coahuila,  Texas,  Nuebo  Mexico,  Sinaloa,  So- 
nora,  and  Las  Californias;  capital  Arizpe  in  Sonora;  Real 
Audiencia,  that  of  Guadalaxara;  civil  and  military  government 
vested  in  one  person.  Independence  of  the  viceroy  was  discon- 
tinued in  1786,  and  1787-93;  at  the  latter  date  of  final  separation, 
California  was  attached  to  Mexico.  Of  "  these  provinces."  the 
one  with  which  we  have  here  to  do  mainly  was  Sonora.  The 
Sonora  of  Garces'  time  was  not  very  different  in  extent  and 
position  from  the  present  Mexican  State  of  the  same  name;  but 
it  reached  further  north,  overlapping  our  Territory  of  Arizona 
to  the  Gila  river  and  thus  including  most  of  our  Gadsden  Pur- 
chase of  1853,  and  did  not  extend  quite  so  far  south  as  present 
Sonora  does,  being  limited  by  writers  of  the  period  to  the 
Yaqui  river  or  valley  in  that  direction.  Thus  the  author  of  the 
Rudo  Ensayo,  1763,  describes  his  Sonora  as  the  northernmost 
one  of  six  provinces  (Chametla,  Copala,  Culiacan,  Zinaloa, 
Ostimuri,  Sonora),  politically  under  the  government  of  Zinaloa, 
in  the  diocese  of  Durango,  in  the  kingdom  of  New  Galicia,  in 
the  viceroyalty  of  New  Spain;  bounded  on  the  west  by  the  Gulf 
of  California  from  the  mouth  of  the  Yaqui  to  that  of  the  Tomo- 
satzi  (our  Colorado  river),  and  by  the  latter  up  to  the  Gila;  on 
the  south  by  the  Yaqui  river  and  its  brAich,  Rio  Chico;  on  the 
east  by  the  Sierra  Madre,  separating  Sonora  from  Taraumara 
(New  Biscay,  including  Chihuahua);  on  the  north  by  the  Gila 


60  SONORA. 

river  up  to  the  San  Pedro  and  thence  obliquely  along  the  latter 
to  the  Sierra  Madre — this  northeastern  boundary  not  well  de- 
fined, any  more  than  the  southeastern,  but  taking  in  the  Base- . 
raca  mission,  the  presidios  of  Terrenate,  Fronteras,  etc.,  as  the 
southeastern  did  certain  missions  beyond  the  Yaqui.     In  fewest  • 
words,  we  may  say  that  Sonora  was  bounded  on  the  north  by 
the  Gila,  on  the  south  by  the  Yaqui,  on  the  east  by  the  Con- 
tinental Divide,  on  the  west  by  the  Gulf  of  California  and  Col- 
orado river.     This  was  the  fullest  comprehension  of  the  name. 
— "  Sonora  "  being  sometimes  restricted  to  the  valley  of  Rio  de 
Sonora,  and  to  the  river  itself.     The  Province  of  Sonora  was- 
also   divided — not   politically   or   definitely,    but   descriptively — 
into  Pimeria  Baxa  or  Baja,  in  the  region  of  Rios  Yaqui  and- 
Sonora,    home    of   the    Southern    or   Low    Pima    Indians;    and 
Pimeria  Alta,  where  lived  the  Northern  or  High  Pimas,  in  the 
region   of  Rio   Altar  and  northward;  this  portion  of   Pimeria 
shading  off  on  the  north  and  northwest  into  Papagueria,  home- 
of  the  Papagos,  and  on  the  north  and  northeast  into  Apacheria, 
where  roamed  the  outlawed  Apaches.     On  the  east,  the  country 
is  mostly  mountainous,  on  the  west  mostly  a  flat  desert,  except- 
ing in  both  cases  the  watercourses.    These,  besides  the  Colo- 
rado and   Gila,   are  mainly:   Rio   Papago,   insignificant,   north- 
westernmost;   Rio  Altar  and  Rio  Magdalena  or  San  Ignacio, 
small;  Rio  Sonora  or  Ures,  with  Rio  Horcasitas  or  San  Miguel,' 
large;  Rio  Matape  or  San  Jose,  rather  small;  and  Rio  Yaqui  or 
Hiaqui,  etc.,  sometimes  called  Rio  Grande,  largest,  whose  prin- 
cipal branches  are  Rios  Moctezuma  and  Bavispe:  all  flowing  on 
west,  southwest,  or  south  courses  to  or  toward  the  Gulf.     To 
these  add  Rios  Santa  Cruz  and  San  Pedro,  flowing  northerly; 
toward  or  into  the  Gila.     By  far  the  greater  number  of  settle- 
ments, native  or  Spanish,  that  Sonora  has,  or  ever  had,  are  or 
were  on  the  rivers  named  and  their  lesser  affluents;  all  of  them 
were  and  most  of  them  still  are,  very  small  places — rancherias,- 
haciendas,  minas,  misiones,   pueblos,  presidios;   but  such  have 
been  extremely  numerous — there  had  been  hundreds  of  them  by 


RUDO    ENSAYO.  6l 

Garces'  time.  The  Rudo  Ensayo  records  29  missions  for  1763; 
73  Indian  villages  and  several  rancherias;  22  inhabited  Spanish 
towns  or  mines,  including  the  5  presidios  of  Tubac,  Terrenate, 
Fronteras,  Altar,  and  San  Miguel  de  Horcasitas;  48  uninhab- 
ited Spanish  settlements,  mostly  abandoned  mines;  2  inhabited 
Spanish  ranches,  and  126  uninhabited  ditto — figures  whim  show 
how  nearly  the  Apache  came  to  being  monarch  of  everything 
in  sight.  In  a  note  in  the  Appendix  to  this  work  I  will  give 
a  complete  list  of  the  29  missions  with  their  respective  visitas, 
existent  in  1763. 

The  tract  above  cited,  entitled  Rudo  Ensayo,  etc.,  was  written 
by  a  Jesuit  priest,  name  unknown:  perhaps  John  Mentuig. 
vig,  or  Nentoig,  missionary  to  the  Opatas  of  Sonora,  and 
ministro  cura  at  Guasavas  for  eleven  years,  1751-62.  The 
ostensible  date  of  this  "Rough  Essay"  is  1763;  from  internal 
evidence  it  appears  that  it  was  penned  in  1761  and  to  Nov.  27, 
1762.  Of  the  original  MS.  we  only  know  from  a  note  in  the 
Historia  de  la  Compania  de  Jesus  en  Nueva-Espaha,  pub.  Mex- 
ico, 1842,  in  which  the  editor,  Carlos  M.  Bustamente,  says  that 
it  was  to  be  found  among  the  unpublished  papers  of  Padre  Vega 
in  the  library  of  the  Convent  of  San  Francisco.  The  author  of 
the  Historia  cited,  Padre  Francisco  Javier  Alegre,  uses  the 
Rudo  Ensayo  extensively,  as  for  example,  regarding  the  Casas 
Grandes  of  the  Gila.  It  is  among  the  Documentos  collected  in 
Nueva  Espana  by  royal  order  of  1779,  during  the  viceroyalty 
of  Revilla  Gigedo;  the  collection  being  in  the  Department  of 
State  of  Mexico,  and  a  duplicate  in  the  Royal  Academy  of  His- 
tory at  Madrid.  It  was  first  printed,  in  Spanish,  in  an  edition 
of  150  or  160  copies,  from  an  authentic  MS.,  by  Buckingham 
Smith,  in  1863.  It  was  first  translated  into  English  by  Eusebio 
Guiteras,  and  in  this  form  was  published  by  the  Amer.  Cath. 
Hist.  Soc,  vol.  v,  No.  2,  June,  1894.  PP-  109-264,  preceded, 
pp.  99-108,  by  a  biographical  sketch  and  portrait  of  the  trans- 
lator, b.  Matanzas,  Cuba.  Mar.  5,  1823.  d.  Philada.,  Pa..  Dec.  24, 
1893.     I  shall  have  frequent  occasion  to  cite  the  Rudo  Ensayo. 


62        "  A    BANNER    WITH    THE    STRANGE    DEVICE."" 

which  is  the  best  natural,  civil,  and  ecclesiastical  history  and 
description  of  Sonora  we  possess  for  the  years  immediately  pre- 
ceding the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  and  the  appearance  of  the 
Franciscans  upon  the  scene — Fathers  Garces  and  Font  among 
them.  I  use  the  convenient  though  not  wholly  unexceptionable 
English  translation  just  cited,  no  copy  of  Buckingham  Smith's 
Spanish  edition  being  conveniently  accessible  to  me. 

*  So  here:  elsewhere  variously  Eixarc,  Eixarch,  Eirarch, 
Eyzarch,  Eichasch,  etc.  Font  has  Eixarch.  In  Hinton's  Hand- 
book, p.  393,  the  three  priests  of  this  expedition  figure  as 
"  Fathers  Pedro,  Garcia,  and  Elrach  " — a  fine  example  of  the 
way  in  which  names  are  sometimes  treated  in  the  course  of 
alleged  history. 

*  Un  lienzo  de  Maria  SSma  con  el  Nino  Dios  en  los  brazos 
y  en  su  respaldo  la  figura  de  un  Condenado.  This  object  was 
a  large  piece  of  cloth  with  the  Virgin  and  Child  printed  in 
colors  on  one  side,  and  on  the  other  a  person  burning  in  hell, 
used  by  the  priests  to  impress  the  Indians,  on  the  principle  of 
the  St.  Veronica  handkerchiefs.  Garces  would  hold  it  up,  and 
when  thejT  had  sufficiently  admired  the  mother  and  infant,  he 
would  turn  it  around  to  let  them  see  what  they  might  expect 
if  they  did  not  mind  what  he  said,  as  he  tells  us  beyond. 

10  Entrada — entrance,  entry,  act  of  entering,  but  in  a  formal 
or  official  manner:  a  term  almost  technically  used  of  the  descent 
of  conquistadores,  temporal  or  spiritual,  upon  their  intended 
native  subjects  or  converts. 


CHAPTER  II. 

FROM   TUBAC   TO    CASAS   GRANDES    ON    RIO    GILA, 
OCTOBER  21-31,    1775.* 

Oct.  2 1.1  Went  to  the  Presidio  de  Tubac2  with  my 
companion  Eisarc  and  Padre  Font,  in  order  to  join 
the  comandante  of  the  expedition,  Lieutenant-Colo- 
nel Don  Juan  Bautista  de  Ansa. 

Oct.  22.z  Mass  was  said  to  Maria  de  Guadalupe  as 
patroness  of  the  expedition,  and  I  celebrated  it  in 
honor  of  Senor  San  Pedro  Apostol,  my  special  advo- 
cate on  this  and  antecedent  entradas  to  the  gentiles. 
Padre  Font  observed  the  latitude  of  this  presidio  in 

3i°  43'- 

Oct.  2 j.*  We  left  the  Presidio  de  Tubac  and  halted 
in  the  place  called  Canoa,5  whither  we  went  five 
leagues  northnortheast. 

Oct.  24.  Left  Canoa  and  halted  at  the  Point  of 
the  Plains,8  having  traveled  3  leagues  northnorth- 
east. 

Oct.    25?     We    arrived    at    my   mission 8    of    San 

*  The  notes  to  this  chapter  are  too  long  to  be  set  where  they  be 
long.     They  will  be  found  at  the  end  of  the  chapter. 

63 


64  APPROACHING   RIO   GILA. 

Xavier  del  Bac,9  having  traveled  6  leagues  north  £ 
east. 

Oct.  26 .10  We  arrived  at  a  laguna  near  {fuera  de) 
the  pueblo  de  Tucson,11  a  visita  of  my  administra- 
tion, 12  and  the  last  christianized  pueblo  in  this  direc- 
tion, having  traveled  4  leagues  about  north  (rumbo 
quasi  al  norte). 

Oct.  27.  Padre  Font  observed  this  place  in  320  22'. 
We  departed  from  it  in  the  afternoon,  and  halted  in 
a  plain  within  sight  of  the  sierra  called  Frente 
Negra,13  having  traveled  5  leagues — 2  northnorth- 
west  and  3  northwest. 

Oct.  28.™  We  halted  at  some  rain-pools  (lagunas 
llovedizas)  which  the  Indians  call  Oytapars,15  whose 
situation  was  a  pueblo  of  Papagos,16  depopulated  a 
few  years  ago  by  the  hostilities  of  the  Apaches;  hav- 
ing traveled  fully  6  leagues  westnorthwest  with  some 
deviations  westward.17 

Oct.  29.  We  approached  Rancheria  18  Quitoac,19 
inhabited  at  times  by  the  Papagos,  and  halted  near 
a  picacho 20  which  the  Indians  call  the  Cerro  de 
Tacca;21  having  traveled  2  leagues  northwest  and  3 
northnorthwest.  This  very  day  a  runner  was  dis- 
patched to  the  Pimas  Gilenos  22  informing  them  of 
our  arrival;  and  the  senor  comandante  resolved  op- 
portunely to  publish  a  proclamation  (vando)  com- 
manding  that   all   persons    should   behave   in    such 


RIO    GILA    AT    CAMANI.  65 

manner  that  the  gentiles  should  be  set  no  bad  exam- 
ple by  the  Espaholes,  nor  that  these  should  offend 
them  by  deed  or  word  in  the  very  least  (en  lo  mas 
minimo),  under  pain  of  rigorous  punishment  for  dis- 
obedience. 

Oct.  50.  We  approached  the  Rio  Gila  and  halted 
at  a  laguna  [Camani],  having  traveled  12  leagues — 
6  northwest,  3  northnorthwest,  and  3  north.23 

Although  on  this  road  we  saw  no  grass  (zacatc) 24 
yet  is  it  certain  that  at  a  little  distance  on  one  and 
the  other  side  it  is  found  abundantly  and  in  years  of 
much  rain  still  more  so.  As  a  result  of  the  message 
sent  yesterday  to  the  Pimas  Gilenos,  there  came  out 
to  receive  us  at  this  place  the  governor  of  the  ran- 
cherias  called  Equituni 25  and  Quitoa,26  the  governor 
of  Vturituc,27  a  pueblo  of  the  Rio  Gila,  its  alcalde,  the 
governor  of  Sutaquison,28  with  many  other  Indians, 
all  on  horseback;  who  dismounted  to  salute  us,  and 
gave  to  the  soldiers  two  scalps  (cabclleras)  of  Apaches 
killed  a  few  days  before  in  the  wars  which  they  wage 
with  them.29  They  remounted  and  accompanied  us 
to  their  place  of  residence,  asking  repeatedly  if  we 
were  going  to  baptize  them  and  live  with  them;  an 
evident  sign  of  the  great  disposition  that  there  is  in 
these  peoples  to  be  catechised.  All  showed  great  joy 
upon  our  arrival. 

Oct.   31.     The   senor   comandante   determined    to 


66  CASA    GRANDE. 

our  party;  and  in  consequence  of  this  I  had  an 
opportunity  of  going  to  see  the  Casa  Grande  that 
they  call  de  Moctezuma.30  We  [Garces  and  Font] 
traveled  about  3  leagues  southeast,  and  arrived  at  the 
whose  position  is  found  in  latitude  330  03'  30". 
For  the  present  condition  of  this  casa  I  refer  to  the 
description  thereof  that  Padre  Font  has  given;  and  in 
the  end  will  speak  of  that  which  I  have  been  enabled 
to  conjecture  from  what  I  saw  and  learned  at 
Moqui. 

Notes. 

1  The  MS.  we  follow  gives  this  date  as  "  dia  1  de  Octubre," 
evidently  by  error  of  the  scribe.  The  Beaumont  MS.  and  the 
pub.  Doc.  both  have  "dia  21,"  and  so  I  make  the  required  cor- 
rection. 

In  order  to  bring  the  whole  case  up  to  this  date  of  Oct.  21,  I 
will  cite  Font's  Diary  of  the  expedition  for  antecedent  events. 

This  expedition  of  1775-76  was  determined  upon  in  conse- 
quence of  the  journey  of  1774,  which  Anza  had  made  by  way 
of  the  Colorado  to  Monterey,  accompanied  by  Garces  and  Diaz. 
On  the  present  occasion  he  was  to  conduct  30  families  of  settlers 
to  the  bay  of  San  Francisco  and  there  found  a  colony.  The 
heads  of  the  families  were  all  to  be  married  soldiers,  of  whom 
the  lieutenant,  sergeant,  and  eight  privates  were  to  be  veterans 
from  various  Sonoran  presidios,  and  the  other  20  recruits  from 
Culiacan  and  Sinaloa.  This  party  was  made  up  in  the  Presidio 
de  San  Miguel  de  Orcasitas,  having  passed  through  the  Mision 
de  San  Joseph  de  Pimas,  where  Font  was  the  minister,  May  26, 
1775-  Anza  arrived  there  May  23;  on  June  1  Font  turned  over 
his  mission  to  Padre  Fray  Joachin  Belarde,  and  went  by  way 


PREVIOUS    ROUTE. 


67 


of  San  Marcial  to  Orcasitas,  where  he  arrived  Aug  2.  As  there 
was  still  time  to  spare,  Font  went  to  Ures,  6th;  on  Sept.  16  he 
was  sent  for  by  Anza,  and  he  came  to  Orcasitas  that  day.  He 
was  not  in  good  health,  and  enjoyed  few  well  days  on  the  whole 
trip.  The  outfit  made  up  at  Orcasitas  was  as  follows: 
Lieutenant-colonel  Juan  Bautista  Anza,  command- 
ing officer,  1 

Father  Pedro  Font,  chaplain, 1 

Don  Mariano  Vidal,  purveyor,  1 

Lieutenant  Joseph  Joachin  Moraga,  1 

Veteran  soldiers,  as  escort, 10 

Recruits, 20 

Women,  children,  and  other  persons,      .        .        .     106 
Muleteers  of  the  three  pack-trains,  ....      20 

Families  of  settlers,  etc., 17 

Total  personnel 177 

To  which  add  three  children  born  en  route,  subtract  one 
woman  who  died,  and  make  other  changes  at  Tubac,  as  given 
beyond.    The  material  of  the  outfit  was: 

Pack-mules  of  baggage,  provisions,  munitions  of 
war,  and  articles  for  presents  to  Indians,  divided 

into  3  pack-trains,  120 

Pack-mules  of  Anza's  baggage  and  mess,      .        .      20 
Public  and  private  horses,  some  saddle-mules,  etc.,    450 

Total  materiel 590 

This  outfit  being  mustered  and  inspected  at  Orcasitas,  the 
expedition  was  ready  to  move  on  San  Miguel's  day.  The  route 
to  Tubac  was: 

Sept.  29.  From  Orcasitas  one  league  to  a  place  on  the  Rio 
San  Miguel.     (Font's  leagues  were  Mexican,  of  5000  varas.) 

Sept.  30.     Four  leagues  to  a  place  called  Chupisonora,   the 
ranch  of  a  militia  captain  named  Mesa.     Remained  Oct.  1. 
Oct.  2.     Five  leagues  to  camp  at  a  place  called  Palma. 
Oct.  3.     Six  leagues  to  Charco  del  Canelo. 


TO    TUBAC. 

Oct.  -/.  Six  full  leagues  to  Puerto  de  los  Conejos,  passing 
(Juerobabi  halfway. 

Oct.  5.  Seven  full  leagues  to  Charco  de  Guana,  a  place  be- 
two  others  called  Piriguita  and  Baxajita. 

Oct.  6.  Six  leagues  to  Pueblo  de  Santa  Ana.  (Thus  the 
;tion  has  come  up  river  along  the  line  of  the  present 
ad  which  runs  down  to  Guaymas.)  Remained  7th.  Took 
observation  of  lat.  300  38'  30". 

Oct.  S.  Six  leagues  to  Santa  Maria  Magdalena.  (Now  Mag- 
dalena.  and  the  principal  place  in  that  region.) 

Oct.  0.  Two  leagues  to  the  mission  of  San  Ignacio,  where 
Padre  Fray  Francisco  Zufiiga  was  in  charge.  Lat.  300  47'  30". 
Remained  10th. 

Oct.  11.  Four  leagues  to  a  place  on  Rio  Magdalena  near  the 
Pueblo  de  Imuris. 

Oct.  12.  Four  leagues  to  Guambiit  (a  place  on  the  railroad, 
before  entering  the  canon;  vicinity  of  modern  Casita). 

Oct.  13.  Four  leagues  north  to  Sibuta  (apparently  modern 
Cibita,  on  the  railroad). 

Oct.  14.  Eight  full  leagues  to  Las  Lagunas.  (Bringing  the 
expedition  just  over  the  boundary  between  Sonora  and  Arizona, 
at  or  near  the  well-known  modern  Los  Nogales.) 

Oct.  13.  Eight  leagues  to  Presidio  de  Tubac  (passing  site  of 
modern  old  Fort  Mason).  Font  himself  went  with  four  soldiers 
to  say  mass  to  the  Pueblo  de  Calabazas,  two  leagues  from  last 
camp,  and  a  little  off  the  road.  In  this  pueblo,  which  was  a 
visita  of  the  Tumacacori  mission,  and  had  been  a  visita  of 
Huevavi  (or  Guevavi),  Font  found  Padre  Fray  Pedro  Arre- 
quivar.  After  mass  he  joined  the  expedition  en  route,  and  went 
as  far  as  Tumacacori,  one  league  short  of  Tubac.  At  Tumaca- 
cori he  found  both  Garces  and  Eixarch,  who  were  to  be  his 
companion?  on  the  expedition;  and  he  put  up  at  this  mission 
with  them  and  Arrequivar  and  Fray  Felix  Gamarra,  till  the 
expedition  was  ready  to  start  from  Tubac,  the  priests  making 
meanwhile  several  trips  back  and  forth  between  the  two  neigh- 


TUBAC.  69 

boring  places.  Anza  and  the  troops  of  course  took  up  their 
station  in  Tubac. 

3  From   tu,   ,   and  bac,   house,   adobe   house,   also   ruined 

house,  ruins,  etc.  (the  word  occurring  also  in  San  Xavier  del 
Bac,  Quitobac,  Bamachi,  Bacuanchos,  and  other  names  of  Piman 
settlements).  This  was  a  settlement  of  Pima,  Papago,  and  pos- 
sibly Sobaipuri  Indians,  at  which  a  presidio  and  mission  were 
established  in  1752,  on  the  W.  bank  of  Rio  Santa  Cruz,  at  the 
site  of  the  present  town  of  the  same  name,  about  45  m.  S.  of 
Tucson,  Ariz.;  pop.  in  1754-57,  411,  including  the  garrison  of 
50.  In  1776  the  presidio  was  transferred  to  Tuscon  (it  so 
appears  on  Font's  map  of  next  year),  after  which,  but  prior  to 
1784,  a  company  of  Pima  allies  was  stationed  there,  and  in  1824 
a  garrison  was  again  established.  In  1842-43  a  rancheria  of 
friendly  Apache  lived  there.  In  1848  the  population  was 
249.  The  presidial  name  of  Tubac  was  San  Ignacio,  applied 
also  to  a  mission  further  south,  in  Sonora. — F.  W.  H. 

Tubac  has  hardly  any  history  back  of  1752.  The  name  is  said 
to  be  given  on  a  map  of  the  17th  century,  but  does  not  appear 
on  Kino's  of  1701,  though  that  good  father  had  been  on  the 
spot  more  than  once  by  that  time.  Ortega,  in  Apost.  Afanes, 
p.  266,  says  that  on  Jan.  19,  1697,  Father  Kino  left  his  mission 
of  Dolores  in  Sonora  for  San  Cayetano  de  Tumacacori  and  San 
Xavier  del  Bac,  which  he  visited  and  returned;  he  must  there- 
fore have  twice  passed  the  site  of  Tubac;  but  as  there  is  no 
mention  of  such  a  place,  probably  no  settlement  then  existed. 
The  Rudo  Ensayo,  p.  254,  speaks  of  the  Presidio  de  Tubaca,  as 
about  7  1.  n.n.w.  of  Guevavi,  on  the  spot  where  the  Piman  town 
of  the  same  name  stood  prior  to  the  revolt  of  Nov.  20,  1751; 
it  was  then  a  visita  of  Guevavi  for  mission  purposes.  This 
uprising  caused  the  founding  of  Presidio  Tubac  in  1752,  as  above 
said.  In  1762,  when  the  Ensayo  was  being  written,  the  natives 
of  Tubac  had  moved  S.  to  Tumacacori,  the  next  place  up  river. 
At  the  same  time  there  was  another  depopulated  rancheria 
called  Sopori,  2  1.  or  more  N.     From  1764  for  some  years  the 


70  TUB  AC. 

Presidio  de  Tubac  was  under  the  command  of  J.  B.  de  Anza. 
A  glimpse  of  Tubac  in  1852  is  given  in  Bartlett's  Narr.,  ii, 
pp.  302-304,  as  a  presidio  or  garrison,  consisting  of  a  collection 
of  dilapidated  buildings  and  huts,  about  half  of  which  were  ten- 
antless,  and  an  equally  ruinous  church.  "  Captain  Gomez,  who 
commanded  at  Fronteras  at  the  time  of  my  visit  there  with 
Colonel  Craig  in  1851,  was  in  command  here  .  .  .  but  as  for 
this  God-forsaken  place,  when  I  have  said  that  it  contains  a  few 
dilapidated  buildings  and  an  old  church,  with  a  miserable  popu- 
lation, I  have  said  about  all.  It  was  established  as  a  presidio 
almost  a  century  and  a  half  ago  [just  100  years — in  1752]  and 
usually  maintained  a  population  of  400  souls.  It  was  abandoned 
a  year  before  our  arrival,  but  had  since  been  repopulated  and 
might  have  comprised  at  the  time  of  our  visit  a  hundred  souls." 

In  1858-60  the  restored  ruins  of  old  Tubac  were  occupied  by 
a  small  mixed  population  of  Americans  and  Mexicans,  with  a 
temporary  camp  of  100  Papagos;  and  in  those  years  was  pub- 
lished the  Weekly  Arizonian,  the  first  newspaper  of  the  future 
Territory.  The  place  was  of  some  little  consequence  as  only 
about  10  m.  W.  of  the  hacienda  of  the  noted  Santa  Rita  mines. 
The  same  distance  N.  of  Tubac  was  then  a  place  called  Reven- 
ton,  the  fortified  ranch  of  an  American  named  William  Rhodes, 
whose  exploit  in  standing  off  single-handed  a  party  of  Apaches 
may  be  read  in  late  popular  books.  This  occurred  near  Reven- 
ton;  see,  for  example,  Pumpelly,  pp.  47,  48.  The  Sabino  Otero 
claim  adjoins  Tubac  on  the  N.  The  latitude  of  Tubac  is  310 
40':  longitude  very  near  340  W.  from  Washington. 

'  Oct.  22,  Sunday.  Good  Father  Font  was  an  orotund  and 
unctuous  preacher  who  dearly  loved  to  lay  down  the  law,  and 
must  have  been  a  tremendous  smooth-bore  to  such  a  man  as 
Anza.  This  time  he  drew  his  text  from  the  gospel  of  the  day, 
Nolite  timere,  fiusillus  grex  ("Don't  be  afraid,  little  flock"), 
exhorted  his  hearers  to  perseverance  and  endurance,  and  drew 
a  fine  parallel  between  the  passage  of  this  expedition  across  the 
Colorado  to  San   Francisco  and  the   "  transito   del   Pueblo   de 


ROSTER   OF   THE   EXPEDITION.  'J I 

Israel  a  la  Tierra  de  Promission  por  el  Mar  Bermejo";  an- 
nounced the  castigation  God  had  in  store  for  them  if  they 
scandalized  the  gentiles  en  route;  assured  them  that  the  most 
holy  Virgin  of  Guadalupe  would  be  to  them  as  a  tower  of 
strength  the  whole  way,  if  they  behaved  like  good  Christians, 
etc.  What  is  more  to  the  point,  however,  Font's  Diary  gives 
the  complete  roster  and  inventory  of  the  expedition  which 
started  next  day,  as  follows: 

Individuals. 

In  the  1st  place,  the  Sehor  Theniente  Coronel  de 
Cavalleria,  y  Comandante  de  la  Expedicion,  Don 

Juan  Bautista  de  Ansa, i 

Padre  Capellan  de  Propaganda  fide  del  Colegio  de 

la  Santa  Cruz  de  Queretaro,  Fray  Pedro  Font,  .         i 
Padres    Fray    Francisco    Garces   y    Fray   Thomas 
Eixarch:  these  were  destined  to  remain  on  the 

Colorado, 2 

Proveedor  de  la  Expedicion  Don  Mariano  Vidal,         r 
Theniente    Don    Joseph    Joachin    Moraga,    who, 
though  married,  did  not  bring  his  family  because 
his  wife  was  sick  at  Terrenate,  1 

Sargento  Juan  Pablo  Grijalba,  1 

Eight    veteran    soldiers    from    the     presidios    of 

Sonora, 8 

Twenty  soldiers,  recruits  for  Monterey,  .        .       20 

Ten  veteran  soldiers  from  the  Presidio  de  Tubac 

as  escort, 10 

Twenty-nine  wives  belonging  to  the  sergeant  and 

28  soldiers, 29 

One  hundred  and  thirty-six  persons  of  both  sexes 

pertaining  to  the  foregoing  soldiers,  etc.,  .  .  136 
Twenty  muleteers  of  the  three  pack-trains,  etc.,  .  20 
Three  herders  of  the  beef-cattle,  ....  3 
Three  servants  of  the  three  padres,  to  which  add 


- 2  OUTFIT    OF    THE    EXPEDITION. 

one  other  who  stayed  with  the  two  padres  on  the 

Colorado, 4 

Three  Indian  interpreters  of  the  three  nations, 
Yuma,  Cajuenche,  and  Jalchedun,         ...        3 

Total, 240 

Including  in  this  number  the  woman  who  afterward  died  on 
the  road. 

Baggage. 
There  were  taken  one  hundred  and  forty  mules 
loaded  with  provisions,  munitions  of  war,  and 
equipments  of  the  sehor  comandante  of  the  ex- 
pedition, and  other  effects  of  the  latter,  and  pres- 
ents in  the  name  of  His  Majesty  for  the  gentiles 

of  the  transit, 140 

Item:  About  twenty-five  loads  of  private  baggage 

of  the  troops, 25 

Item:   Horses  belonging  to  the  expedition,  with 

some  private  ones  and  some  saddle-mules,  .     500 

Item:  Some  thirty  mares,  colts,  and  asses,      .        .      30 

Total  of  the  horse-herd,  etc.,  .        .        .     695 

Cattle. 

Item:  Three  hundred  and  twenty-five  head  of  cattle 
for  the  subsistence  of  the  expedition  on  the  road, 
and  the  rest  to  start  a  herd  in  the  new  settle- 
ment and  missions  of  the  bay  of  San  Francisco,     325 

Item:  About  thirty  private  cattle,     ....      30 


355 
I  think  I  would  have  been  willing  to  hear  Father  Font  preach 
for  the  sake  of  having  such  a  tabular  exhibit  of  this  expedition, 
which  we  see  was  an  extensive  outfit — 240  persons  and  1050 
beasts.  The  father  notes  that  it  was  reduced  en  route  by  death, 
straying,  and  barter.     He  further  notes  that  the  regular  order 


HOW    THEY    MARCHED.  73 

of  march  was  this:  At  the  proper  hour  in  the  morning  the 
order  was  given  to  round  up  the  cavallada  and  mulada,  the 
soldiers  and  servants  going  for  the  horses  and  the  packers  for 
the  mules.  While  these  people  were  packing  and  saddling  he 
used  to  say  mass,  as  there  was  plenty  of  time.  As  soon  as  the 
three  pack-trains  were  ready  to  start,  the  commanding  officer 
gave  the  order  to  mount — Vayan  subiendo!  and  they  all  mounted, 
forming  a  column  in  this  wise:  Four  soldiers  went  ahead  as 
scouts.  Anza  led  off  with  the  van  guard.  Font  came  next,  and 
after  him  came  men,  women,  and  children,  escorted  by  soldiers; 
then  the  lieutenant  brought  up  the  rear  guard.  Behind  these 
followed  the  three  pack-trains,  with  the  loose  horses,  and  last 
of  all  the  beef-herd.  As  soon  as  they  started  Font  would  strike 
up  a  hymn,  the  Alabado,  to  which  all  the  people  responded. 
The  column,  as  may  be  easily  seen,  was  a  very  long  one,  even 
when  well  closed  up.  On  making  camp,  when  they  had  dis- 
mounted, the  lieutenant  came  to  report  to  the  commanding 
officer  whether  they  were  all  up,  or  any  had  been  left  behind, 
and  receive  his  orders.  At  night  the  people  recited  their  beads, 
each  family  by  itself,  and  finishing  by  singing  the  Alabado  or 
Salve,  or  something  of  that  sort,  everyone  for  himself,  and 
Font  remarks  that  the  variety  had  a  very  pleasing  effect.  There 
were  so  many  people  that  when  they  camped  it  looked  like  a 
regular  settlement,  with  the  shelters  that  the  soldiers  made  with 
their  cloaks  and  blankets  on  boughs,  and  with  the  13  tents  of 
the  company — nine  for  the  soldiers,  one  for  the  lieutenant,  one 
for  Garces  and  Eixarch,  one  for  Font,  and  a  big  circular  one 
for  the  senor  comandante. 

*  I  shall  continue  to  check  and  amplify  Garces'  Diary  by 
Font's,  during  the  time  the  two  priests  keep  together. — This 
night  a  soldier's  wife  gave  birth  to  a  fine  child,  but  the  labor 
was  difficult,  the  birth  was  feet  foremost,  and  the  woman 
died  at  dawn.  She  was  taken  to  be  buried  at  Bac  next  evening, 
and  interred  on  the  25th  by  Garces,  who  went  ahead  with  the 
body. 


J4  ON    TO    BAC. 

'After  bending  about  the  Santa  Rita  mts.  N.  of  Tubac,  the 
valley  of  Rio  Santa  Cruz  widens  into  a  plain  rising  to  these 
mountains  on  the  E.,  and  to  the  Tinajita  mts.  on  the  W. ;  pass 
Santa  Rita  peak  and  Mt.  Hopkins  on  right,  and  Sopori  cr.  on 
left,  somewhat  more  than  halfway  between  Tubac  and  Canoa. 
The  distance  between  these  places  is  14  m.  by  road,  12  in  air 
line;  at  10  m.  by  road  was  Reventon.  Canoa  will  be  found  on 
modern  maps,  in  this  Spanish  form;  it  means  "canoe,"  though 
why  so  applied  does  not  appear,  unless  it  be  in  the  literal  sense: 
one  of  my  maps  marks  the  place  "  Canoe  Crossg."  The  place 
is  situated  in  tp.  19  of  range  3  E.  of  the  2d  guide  meridian,  and 
is  included 'in  the  still  unconfirmed  San  Ignacio  de  la  Canoa 
private  land  claim.  It  was  primarily  a  rancheria,  doubtless  of 
Papago  Indians;  in  1860-61  it  consisted  of  a  single  stockade, 
available  as  an  inn,  and  the  latter  year  was  the  scene  of  a 
massacre  in  which  a  Papago  and  two  Americans,  one  of  them 
named  Tarbox,  were  killed:  Pumpelly,  pp.  45-48. 

*  Punta  de  los  Llanos,  otherwise  called  Llano  Grande  in  an- 
other itinerary  of  this  journey.  This  camp  would  be  on  the 
river,  at  or  near  the  N.  end  of  the  Canoa  claim,  directly  be- 
tween Mt  Fagan  on  the  E.  and  Samaniego  peak  on  the  W.,  each 
distant  some  12-15  m-;  nearest  named  place  is  Olive,  5  m.  to 
the  left. 

"  In  the  evening  Eixarch  baptized  the  infant  born  on  the  night 
of  the  23d.  Font  further  notes  that  Bac  was  a  pueblo  of  the 
Pimas  Sobaypuris,  once  very  populous  but  now  much  reduced 
by  the  incursions  of  the  Apaches,  and  also  on  account  of  the 
unwholesomeness  of  the  water,  which  was  so  thick  and  alka- 
line that  a  Jesuit  once  found  that  a  single  jugful  left  two 
ounces  of  alkali  and  other  impurities. 

'  According  to  p.  5  of  "  A  Brief  Sketch  of  the  Mission  of  San 

Xavier  del  Bac,  with  a  Description  of  its  Church,  written  by  a 

missionary  of  Arizona"  [Rev.  J.  B.  Salpointe,],  2  eds.,  Tucson 

•  d    San   Francisco,    1880,  8vo,   pp.   20,    Garces   was  one   of   14 

priests  sent  by  the  guardian  of  the  Franciscan  college  of  Santa 


SAN    XAVIER    DEL    BAC.  75 

Cruz  de  Queretaro  at  the  request  of  the  viceroy,  Marques  de 
Croix,  in  the  name  of  the  king  (Charles  III.).  These  priests 
landed  at  Guaymas  Mar.  27,  1768,  proceeding  thence  to  San 
Miguel  de  Horcasitas,  where  they  established  headquarters. 
Of  these  missionaries,  Garces  was  assigned  to  San  Xavier  del 
Bac  in  June,  1768.— F.  W.  H. 

*  Bac,  house,  adobe  house  (as  in  Tubac,  etc.),  probably  so 
called  from  the  remains  of  numerous  ancient  adobe  pueblos  in 
the  vicinity.  Bac  was  a  rancheria  of  the  Sobaipuri,  a  Piman 
tribe  closely  related  to  the  Papago,  with  whom  those  who  were 
not  captured  by  the  Apache  were  consolidated.  The  settlement 
was  situated  on  Rio  Santa  Cruz,  9  m.  S.  of  Tucson  in  the  N.  E. 
corner  of  what  is  now  the  Papago  Reservation  by  executive 
order  of  July  1,  1874.  The  rancheria,  Bac,  was  visited  by 
Father  Eusebio  Kino  in  1697,  and  no  doubt  as  early  as  1692,  the 
church  (still  standing)  having  been  begun  in  1699.  In  1697 
San  Xavier  del  Bac  contained  830  persons  in  176  houses,  mak- 
ing it  the  largest  rancheria  in  the  entire  Pimeria,  as  the  Pima 
country  was  called.  In  1751  (during  the  revolt  which  con- 
tinued at  intervals  until  late  in  1753),  it  was  plundered  by  the 
natives  and  abandoned,  but  was  reoccupied  two  years  later  as  a 
mission  under  the  protection  of  the  Tubac  presidio.  In  1760-64 
the  population  was  399;  but  in  1772  it  had  dwindled  to  270. 
Little  is  known  of  its  history  from  Garces'  time  to  1828,  when 
it  was  practically  abandoned  as  a  mission.  In  1865  it  contained 
80  Papago  families,  and  in  1869  was  entirely  under  the  control 
of  that  tribe.— F.  W.  H. 

Father  Kino's  first  Arizona  entrada  was  made  with  Father 
Juan  Maria  de  Salvatierra  in  1691.  The  padres  were  at  Gue- 
vavi,  Tumacacori  and  Suamca  very  early  in  that  year.  In  the 
fall  of  1692  Kino  made  his  next  visit  to  the  Pimas,  this  being 
his  second  entrance  into  Arizona.  The  author  of  Apost. 
Afanes  distinctly  says  that  he  started  early  in  September  of 
that  year  from  his  mission  of  Dolores,  llego  a  San  Xavier  del 
Bac,  y  a  Santa  Maria  Suamca,  and  returned  to  Dolores  Dec.  11, 


76  SAX    XAVIER    DEL    BAC. 

1692.  This  may  be  the  opening  of  recognizable  history  of  the 
place.  In  1694.  Mange  calls  the  river  on  which  it  is  situated 
Rio  de  San  Xavier  del  Bac,  noting  the  expedition  to  that  river 
of  Antonio  Solis.  Kino  first  reached  the  Gila  in  November. 
1694,  and  said  mass  in  Casa  Grande;  but  we  have  no  route,  and 
only  presume  he  passed  through  Bac.  On  Jan.  19,  1697,  he 
started  for  Tumacacori  and  Bac,  which  he  visited  and  returned 
to  Dolores.  The  same  year  he  again  reached  the  Gila,  by  way 
of  the  Quiburi  (San  Pedro)  river,  and  returned  by  way  of  the 
Santa  Cruz,  being  at  Bac  Nov.  24  and  25;  perhaps  this  is  the 
year  in  which  the  name  San  Xavier  was  given  to  Bac,  and  it 
also  figures  as  Batosda  in  the  itinerary  of  this  tour.  Kino  was 
next  at  Bac  in  1699,  with  Fathers  Antonio  Leal,  Antonio  Gon- 
zalez and  Captain  Mange;  the  party  left  Dolores  Oct.  24,  and 
duly  reached  Bac  by  way  of  the  Santa  Cruz;  Kino  and  Mange 
pushed  on  to  a  rancheria  they  called  San  Agustin  (t.  e.,  Tuc- 
son), returned,  and  the  party  left  Bac  Nov.  4.  Next  year,  Kino 
was  again  at  Bac,  having  left  Dolores  Apr.  21,  and  returned  to 
it  May  5,  1700.  This  is  the  occasion,  says  his  biographer, 
Ortega,  Apost.  Afan.,  p.  284,  when  Kino  founded  the  church: 
"  abrio  en  San  Xavier  los  cimientos  a  una  nueva  grande  Iglesia. 
y  tan  capaz,  que  bastasse  para  la  mucha  gente — big  enough  for 
a  large  congregation;  and  he  used  much  tuzontle,  "a  certain 
light  porous  stone,  very  suitable  for  building;"  still  it  is  quite 
possible  that  the  structure  may  have  been  actually  begun  in 
1699,  and  Kino  have  this  time  performed  some  corner-stone 
laying  or  other  ceremony  which  was  regarded  as  the  first 
actual  "  foundation." 

The  author  of  Rudo  Ensayo  says,  p.  223:  "This  is  the  last 
[northernmost]  mission  among  the  Pimas  .  .  .  bounded  on  the 
west  by  the  ranches  of  the  Papagos  who  rove  about  this  bleak 
wilderness;  on  the  east  by  the  Sobahipuris;  and  on  the  north 
...  by  Casas  Grandes  and  Pima  of  the  Gila.  At  a  distance  of 
3  leagues  North  .  .  .  lies  the  Post  of  Tucson  with  sufficient 
people   and   conveniences    to    found    another    mission.      Father 


SAN    XAVIER   DEL    BAC.  'JJ 

Alphonsus  [sic]  Espinosa  is  [1762]  the  Minister  of  San  Xavier, 
and  he  has  to  attend  to  more  people  than  there  are  in  all  the 
other  Missions.  Many  of  the  old  people  are  new  in  the  Faith, 
and  he  has  to  work  hard  with  them  to  instruct  them  and  keep 
them  in  obedience;  for  such  is  their  character  that  the  Opatas, 
when  they  are  advised  by  the  priest  to  be  obedient  and  gentle, 
say:  'Are  we  perhaps  Papagos?'" 

The  church  records  of  baptism,  etc.,  1720-67,  are  extant,  and 
show  that  during  this  period  Bac  was  successively  administered 
by  22  Jesuit  padres,  the  last  of  them  being  Alonso  Espinosa, 
1763-67.  Garces  arrived  in  1768,  and  for  10  years — with  inter- 
vals of  travel — administered  the  mission,  which  he  found  in  a 
sadly  neglected  state.  The  date  "  1797,"  still  legible  over  the 
door  of  the  present  church,  is  traditionally  and  reasonably  sup- 
posed to  be  that  of  its  completion,  the  building  having  gone  on 
for  14  years  from  1783.  It  is  not  the  old  Kino  church  of  1700, 
but  its  successor,  built  close  by  to  replace  the  original  one. 
Balthasar  Cavillo  appears  on  the  books  from  May  22,  1780,  to 
1794,  and  Narciso  Gutierres  in  1794-99,  so  that  no  doubt  it  was 
finished  under  the  administration  of  these  padres.  Each  of 
them  went  to  and  died  in  Tumacacori;  Gutierres  shortly  before 
Jan.  1,  1821.  On  Dec.  13,  1822,  the  bones  of  both  were  trans- 
ferred from  an  old  to  the  new  church,  as  we  learn  by  the 
records.  Owing  to  protection  from  the  Presidio  of  Tucson, 
estab.  in  1776,  Bac  flourished  as  a  mission  to  1810;  it  then  went 
down,  and  ended  on  the  expulsion  of  the  Franciscans  on  the 
fall  of  the  colonial  government,  Dec.  2,  1827.  Bac  had  16 
post-Jesuit  padres,  either  as  residents  or  temporary  incumbents. 
Bac  was  never  quite  abandoned,  as  it  was  put  nominally  under 
charge  of  the  parish  priest  of  Magdalena  after  1827;  but  it 
merely  struggled  along  till  1859,  when  Arizona  was  ecclesiasti- 
cally segregated  to  the  diocese  of  Santa  Fe,  N.  M.,  whose  bishop 
was  Right  Rev.  J.  B.  Lamy,  who  sent  Very  Rev.  J.  P.  Mache- 
beuf  to  Bac.  A  description  of  Bac  in  1852  is  given  by  Bartlett, 
ii,  p.  298:  "  A  ride  of  nine  miles  [from  Tucson]  brought  us  to 


TUCSON. 

the  mission  of  Son  Xaiicr  del  Bac;  truly  a  miserable  place,  con- 
sisting of  from  So  to  ioo  huts,  or  wigwams,  made  of  mud  or 
straw,  the  sole  occupants  of  which  are  Pimo  Indians,  though 
generally  called  Papagos.  In  the  midst  of  these  hovels  stands 
the  largest  and  most  beautiful  church  in  the  State  of  Sonora. 
It  is  built  of  brick  on  the  summit  of  a  low  hill,  and  has  two 
towers  and  a  dome.  In  a  square,  around  and  directly  con- 
nected with  the  cnurch,  are  some  adobe  houses,  which  were 
occupied  when  the  mission  was  in  a  flourishing  state.  All  save 
one  are  now  tenantless,  and  this,  which  adjoins  the  church,  is 
occupied  by  the  only  Mexican  family  in  the  place."  (Bartlett 
continues  with  a  description  of  the  church.)  In  1864  Bac  was 
administered  by  Rev.  C.  Mesea,  S.  J.  In  1866  a  school  for 
Papagos  was  opened  at  Bac;  and  in  1873  another,  the  latter 
under  A.  R.  Wilbur  as  Indian  Agent,  supported  by  the  U.  S. 
Government  and  administered  by  three  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph; 
closed  Apr.  I,  1876,  when  the  Papagos  were  consolidated  with 
the  Piman  Agency.  A  good  description  of  the  church  as  it 
-tands  may  be  read  in  the  pamphlet  above  cited,  pp.  16-20,  and 
]  here  give  a  very  recent  photograph. 

10  This  date  is  notable  for  one  of  the  miracles  which  often 
happened  during  the  journey — at  least  in  Font's  diary  thereof. 
He  says  it  is  a  wonderful  thing  that  they  were  never  jumped  by 
Apaches,  nor  did  they  ever  see  one;  which  should  be  attributed 
to  the  patronage  of  Santisima  Virgen  de  Guadalupe,  for,  if  the 
Apaches  had  jumped  them,  no  doubt  there  would  have  been 
trouble — a  statement  of  fact,  whatever  we  may  think  of  such 
simple  logic. 

11  From  the  Piman  styuk-son,  "  dark  or  brown  spring."  Its 
settlement  by  Spaniards  has  been  reputed  to  date  from  1560, 
but  there  is  little  doubt  that  it  became  a  Spanish  settlement 
not  earlier  than  1776.  Before  that  time  it  was  a  rancheria, 
probably  of  mixed  Pima,  Papago,  and  Sobaipuri,  and  from  as 
early  as  1763  was  regularly  visited,  as  San  Jose  de  Tucson,  by 
the  missionary  of  San  Xavier  del  Bac.     In  1776  the  presidio  of 


J  -            * 

1  •    i 

* — 


TUCSON.  79 

Tubac  was  transferred  there  and  the  name  San  Agustin  de  Tuc- 
son applied.  The  native  population  in  1760-67  was  331,  and 
200  families  were  settled  there  in  1772;  but  in  1774,  when  Anza 
visited  the  place,  he  found  but  80  families  of  "  Pimas."  It  was 
occupied  as  a  presidio  until  the  beginning  of  the  Mexican  war, 
1846.  The  name  appears  in  many  forms  in  literature,  among 
them  being  Fruson,  Fucson,  Lucson,  Teuson,  Toison,  Tubso, 
Tubson,  Tucsson,  Tuczon,  Tueson,  Tugson,  Tuguison,  Tuison, 
Tulquson,  Tuozon,  Tuquison,  Tuson,  and  Tuqulson;  the  last 
occurring  on  Font's  map. — F.  W.  H. 

How  long  the  site  of  Tucson  had  been  a  rancheria  is  un- 
known, but  its  alleged  great  antiquity  as  a  Spanish  settlement 
is  a  fable.  There  may  have  been  a  few  whites  there  in  Jesuit 
times,  before  1767,  but  if  so  they  had  abandoned  the  place  by 
1763.  The  rubbish  that  has  been  written  about  Tucson's' 
sixteenth-century  dates  is  only  matched  by  the  like  Santa  Fe 
myths:  see  for  example  Bancroft,  Ariz,  and  N.  M.,  p.  374,  where 
some  of  these  stories  are  ridiculed.  We  have  the  first  definite 
knowledge  of  Tucson  as  a  rancheria  de  visita  of  the  Bac  mission 
in  1763.  Its  foundation  as  a  Spanish  settlement  was  in  1776, 
when  the  Presidio  de  Tubac  was  moved  to  Tucson;  and  we 
know  of  a  paper  dated  Nov.  24,  1777,  asking  to  have  it  brought 
back  from  Tucson  to  Tubac.  At  this  time  the  name  was  San 
Agustin  de  Tucson,  and  the  little  Indian  village  alongside  the 
presidio  was  called  San  Agustin  del  Pueblito  de  Tucson;  but 
the  name  San  Agustin,  as  applied  to  the  site  or  rancheria  of 
Tucson,  is  very  much  older,  appearing  in  the  annals  of  Kino's 
entrada  of  October,  1699.  These  statements  of  the  date  of 
Tucson  as  a  presidio  are  confirmed  by  Font's  journal,  which  for 
to-day  has:  "  This  pueblo  de  Tuquison  is  more  populous  than 
that  of  San  Xavier  del  Bac;  and  the  following  year  of  1776  the 
presidio  of  Tubac  was  transferred  hither,  where  it  remains  still, 
and  is  called  the  Presidio  de  San  Agustin  del  Tuquison."  From 
these  beginnings  the  history  of  Tucson,  though  unbroken,  is 
little  notable  down  to  modern  times.     In  Sept.,  1848,  the  pop. 


80  TUCSON. 

was  760,  increased  in  December  by  refugees  from  Tumacacori 
and  Tubac  after  Apache  troubles.  A  plate  of  Tucson  as  it  was 
in  1852  faces  p.  292  of  Bartlett's  Narr.,  vol.  ii,  giving  a  good  idea 
of  the  entourage.  This  author  says,  p.  295:  "  Tucson  is  the  most 
northern  town  in  Mexico,  and  a  very  old  place.  It  is  found 
on  the  oldest  maps,  and  is  referred  to  by  the  early  missionaries. 
It  has  always  been,  and  is  to  this  day,  a  presidio  or  garrison; 
but  for  which  the  place  could  not  be  sustained.  In  its  best 
days  it  boasted  a  population  of  1000  souls,  now  diminished  to 
about  one  third  that  number.  It  stands  on  the  plateau  adjoin- 
ing the  fertile  valley  watered  by  the  Santa  Cruz  River,  a  small 
stream  which  rises  ten  miles  north-east  of  the  town  of  Santa 
Cruz,  whence  it  flows  south  to  that  place.  It  then  takes  a  west- 
erly direction  for  about  10  miles,  after  which  it  flows  northward 
through  Tubac  and  Tucson,  and  soon  becomes  lost  in  the 
desert.  The  lands  near  Tucson  are  very  rich,  and  were  once 
extensively  cultivated;  but  the  encroachments  of  the  Apaches 
compelled  the  people  to  abandon  their  ranchos  and  seek  safety 
within  the  town.  The  miserable  population,  confined  to 
such  narrow  limits,  barely  gains  a  subsistence,  and  could  not 
exist  a  year  but  for  the  protection  from  the  troops.  More  than 
once  the  town  has  been  invested  by  from  one  to  two  thousand 
Indians,  and  attempts  made  to  take  it,  but  thus  far  without 
success.  .  .  The  houses  of  Tucson  are  all  of  adobe,  and  the 
majority  are  in  a  state  of  ruin.  No  attention  seems  to  be  given 
to  repair;  but  as  soon  as  a  dwelling  becomes  uninhabitable, 
it  is  deserted,  the  miserable  tenants  creeping  into  some  other 
hovel  where  they  may  eke  out  their  existence.  We  found  300 
soldiers  in  the  place,  although  the  average  number  for  some 
years  past  has  not  exceeded  20."  Tucson  was  occupied  by  a 
garrison  of  the  First  Dragoons  in  1856,  when  we  took  posses- 
sion of  the  Gadsden  Purchase,  and  on  Aug.  29  of  that  year  a 
convention  was  held  to  take  measures  for  a  territorial  organiza- 
tion of  Arizona.  In  1860-61,  the  Weekly  Arizonian,  a  newspaper 
which  had  been   started  in   Tubac,   was  published  in   Tucson. 


TUCSON.  8l 

On  Apr.  2-5,  i860,  a  convention  adopted  a  constitution  of  the 
provisional  government  of  the  Territory  of  Arizona,  and  pub- 
lished its  proceedings,  umo,  pp.  23.  In  Feb.,  1862,  Tucson  was 
occupied  by  Confederate  troops,  but  held  only  till  May.  Tuc- 
son was  named  as  the  capital  in  the  Arizona  bill  of  March, 
1862,  but  eliminated  from  that  which  finally  passed  the  U.  S. 
Senate  Feb.  20,  1863,  and  became  a  law  on  the  24th.  The  new 
capital  was  fixed  at  Prescott  in  1864,  but  in  1867  it  was  re- 
moved to  Tucson;  it  stayed  there  till  1877,  when  it  was 
transferred  back  to  Prescott,  and  there  remained  till  Feb.  4, 
1889.  when  it  went  to  Phoenix.  The  railroad  reached  Tuc- 
son in  1880,  and  the  land  office  of  the  Gila  district  was  removed 
from  Florence  to  Tucson  in  1882.  Among  the  notabilia  of 
Tucson  are  the  two  masses  of  meteoric  iron,  which  long  served 
as  anvils  in  a  blacksmith's  shop.  The  larger  one  was  removed 
in  i860,  and  is  now  in  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  known  as 
the  Ainsa  meteorite,  brought  in  1735  from  Sierra  de  la  Madera 
by  Don  Juan  Bautista  de  Ainsa  (sic — apparently  same  name 
as  Anza  or  Ansa).  It  is  an  irregular  ring  of  iron,  38  to 
49  inches  in  external  and  23  to  26^  inches  in  internal  diam- 
eter, weighing  about  1600  lbs.  The  other  meteorite  was  a 
slab,  sent  to  San  Francisco  in  1862  by  General  J.  H.  Carleton; 
4  feet  long,  18  inches  broad,  2  to  5  inches  thick,  weight  632 
lbs.  See  Bartlett,  ii,  p.  297,  and  cut  opp.  p.  298;  Whitney,  Proc. 
Cala.  Acad.  Sci.,  iii,  pp.  30  and  48;  Pumpelly.  Across  Amer.,  p.  6. 

1J  Visita  de  mi  administration.  A  visita  was  a  clerical  out- 
post visited  or  to  be  visited  by  a  padre  residing  elsewhere,  hav- 
ing no  resident  minister  of  its  own.  There  were  usually  sev- 
eral such  in  the  vicinity  of  the  principal  mission  where  resided 
the  padre,  and  all  were  under  his  administration;  all  also  were 
considered  as  one  "  mission  " — the  main  one  with  its  pueblos 
de  visita.  As  Garces  lived  at  Bac,  Tucson  was  a  visita  of  his 
administration. 

u  Sierra  llamada  Frente  Negra,  literally  Black  Face.  This  is 
the  range  variously  called  Sierra  de  Tucson  or  Tucson  range, 


8J  CONTINUING   DOWN    RIO   SANTA    CRUZ. 

lying  directly  W.  of  Tucson,  extending  N.  W.  and  S.  E.  Two 
of  its  peaks  are  Nasson  and  Safford,  the  latter  northernmost; 
the  name  "  Nasson  "  appears  to  be  a  mistake  for  that  of  John 
Wasson,  surveyor-general  of  Arizona,  1870-82;  Safford  was  evi- 
dently named  for  Governor  A.  K.  P.  Safford,  1869-77. 

The  journey  has  continued  down  Rio  Santa  Cruz  past  Rillito 
creek,  practically  along  the  present  railroad,  to  camp  near  Point 
of  Mountain  or  Rillito  station,  which  is  by  rail  16  m.  N.  W.  of 
Tucson.  The  Tortolita  mts.  are  at  a  distance  on  the  right. 
This  locality  is  also  called  Llano  del  Azotado  (azotado,  one  who 
has  been  flogged)  and  Tutuetac,  in  other  itineraries  of  the  jour- 
ney. Font  tells  the  story  which  explains  the  name  Azotado. 
He  calls  the  place  more  fully  Llano  del  Puerto  del  Azotado,  the 
passage  from  the  plain  to  the  gap  being  made  next  day.  On 
the  27th,  before  breaking  camp,  two  muleteers  hid  away,  in- 
tending to  desert.  Some  Indians  of  Tucson  were  sent  to  find 
them,  and  at  night  eight  came  into  camp  with  one  of  the  de- 
serters. The  runaway  was  put  in  custody  and  given  twelve 
lashes;  for  which  reason  was  the  place  called  Llano  del  Azo- 
tado. 

14  To-day  occurred  one  of  the  spats  which  were  almost  inces- 
sant between  Anza  and  his  priests,  but  the  only  one  in  which 
Garces  seems  to  have  taken  part.  Font,  on  the  other  hand, 
was  continually  in  hot  water  with  his  commanding  officer, 
whom  he  abuses,  expressly  or  implicitly,  throughout  his  diary. 
He  was  not  well,  and  some  allowance  may  be  made  for  our 
model  journalist  on  that  account;  but  he  was  peevish,  fussy, 
meddlesome,  truculent,  and  puffed  up  with  his  chaplaincy,  to 
the  continual  annoyance  of  his  reserved  and  haughty  superior. 
When  breaking  camp  this  morning,  Garces  expostulated  with 
Anza  concerning  some  beasts  he  had  asked  for  and  been  prom- 
ised; to  which  Anza  replied  that  he  could  give  him  none  be- 
cause he  had  none  to  spare.  Whereupon  Garces  talked  back 
pretty  plainly  (con  alguna  claridad),  and  what  he  said  made  the 
senor   comandante   so    angry   that   though    Font    succeeded   in 


PAPAGO   INDIANS.  83 

pacifying  him,  he  would  not  speak  to  either  of  them  all  that 
day. 

15  The  meaning  of  this  name  is  not  known,  but  it  seems  to 
contain  the  element  o-a,  to  deface,  to  obliterate,  probably  in 
allusion  to  the  pueblo  that  had  been  destroyed  by  the  Apache. 
It  has  also  been  called  Oapars,  as  on  Garces'  journey  of  1771 ; 
while  Anza  and  Font  record  it  under  the  names  Ditt- 
pax,  Oitapars,  Oytapayts,  Oytaparts,  and  Pueblo  viejo. — 
F.  W.  H. 

18  The  derivation  of  the  name  of  this  important  Piman  tribe 
is  involved  in  some  doubt.  It  has  been  persistently  stated  by 
a  number  of  writers  that  the  word  means  "  hair  cut,"  or  "  bap- 
tized," the  sign  by  which  the  "  converted  "  Piman  Indians  were 
formerly  distinguished.  This  is  no  doubt  an  error.  More 
likely  the  term  is  a  corruption  of  their  own  name  Papab- 
ootam  (ootatn  signifying  men,  folk,  Indians)  or  else  derived 
from  papavi-ootam,  "  bean  people  "  ("  Pimas  Frijoleros  ")  be- 
cause their  principal  crop  is  beans.  The  latter  derivation  was 
suggested  by  Father  Kino  as  early  as  1699.  The  Papago  are 
closely  allied  to  the  Pima  Alta  or  Northern  Pima,  and  in- 
habit the  territory  formerly  and  still  limitedly  known  as  the 
Papagueria.  extending  from  the  Gila  southward  into  Sonora, 
and  from  Quitovaquito  in  the  west  to  San  Xavier  del  Bac  in 
the  east.  In  the  17th  and  18th  centuries  they  were  less  inclined 
to  village  life  than  the  Pima,  a  fact  doubtless  due  to  the  necessi- 
ties of  their  inhospitable  habitat,  where  water  is  exceedingly 
scarce.  They  subsist  by  agriculture,  but  formerly  conducted  a 
considerable  trade  in  salt  from  the  inland  saline  lagoons.  They 
also  manufacture  a  syrup  extracted  from  the  pitahaya  or  giant 
cactus  (Cereus  giganteus).  They  are  tall,  dark-complexioned, 
and  instead  of  wearing  their  hair  in  long  braids  or  twists  like 
their  congeners  the  Pima,  they  cut  it  at  a  level  with  the  shoul- 
ders. Their  language  varies  little  from  that  of  the  Pima,  with 
whom  they  have  intermarried  from  early  times.  They  for- 
merly suffered  considerably  from  Apache  inroads.    Pop.  in  1897, 


84  VARIOUS    PLACES. 

3.270  in  Arizona,  and  probably  as  many  more  in  Sonora.  Other 
forms  of  the  name  are  Papabi-ootam  (1794),  Papabi-Otawas, 
Papabos,  Papabotas,  Papaga,  Papagi,  Pa-Pagoe,  Papagoose, 
Papahi-Ootam,  Papahotas,  Papalotes  (1746),  Papa-Otam 
(1764),  Papapootam,  Papavicotam,  Papavo,  Papawar,  Papayos, 
Papelotes,  Papigo,  Piatos,  Tono-Ootam  ("  Desert  People," 
said  to  be  one  of  their  own  names),  etc. — F.  W.  H. 

'7  Passing  Rillito,  Desert  Wells,  and  Naviska  stations,  and 
thus  from  Pima  into  Pinal  county,  making  about  16  m.  to  camp 
in  the  vicinity  of  present  Red  Rock. 

"  Ranchcria,  any  village,  settlement,  or  place  cultivated,  espe- 
cially by  Indians;  equivalent  to  rancho  or  ranch,  in  the  west 
meaning  what  farm  does  in  the  east. 

a  Quitoac  also  appears  in  print  as  Quitcac,  and  another  name 
of  this  rancheria  is  Bajio  de  Aquituno,  or  Aquituno  flats,  from 
the  Anza  and  Font  narratives  of  the  same  journey.  This  was 
evidently  an  insignificant  Papago  settlement  on  the  Santa  Cruz 
near  the  present  so-called  Picacho  peak,  and  was  occupied  at 
intervals  when  this  intermittent  stream  afforded  a  sufficient 
water  supply  for  a  few  families.  The  meaning  of  the  name  is 
not  known,  although  the  elements  kit  or  quit  (wall)  and  bac  or 
vac  (house,  ruin)  seem  to  appear  in  the  term.  As  this  territory 
contains  the  remains  of  many  prehistoric  pueblo  ruins  it  is  not 
unlikely  that  the  name  was  suggested  by  an  ancient  house  wall 
standing  above  ground.  Arricivita  calls  the  place  Aquitun. — 
F.  VV.  H. 

Quitoac  can  be  located  more  closely  by  Font's  journal  than 
by  GarceY.  The  former  says  it  was  only  half  a  league  from 
the  camp  of  last  night,  and  consisted  of  some  30  jacals,  inhab- 
ited at  times  by  the  Papagos,  who  were  just  then  on  the  Gila, 
as  we  find  beyond.  Font  spells  the  name  Cuitoa  and  Cuytoa, 
and  says  that  a  little  further  on  was  a  laguna — the  sink  of  the 
Rio  del  Tuquison  y  San  Xavier,  as  he  calls  the  Santa  Cruz 
river. 

20  Picacho,  picache  or  peak,  peak  of  a  mountain,  but  more  par- 


PIMAS   GILENOS,    ETC.  85 

ticularly  applied  to  any  such  isolated  elevation  in  a  plain  as 
would  be  styled  a  butte  in  most  parts  of  the  west. 

21  Cerro  is  properly  a  hill  .r  smooth  rounded  highland  in  any 
elevated  rolling  country,  and  is  not  well  applied  to  this  isolated 
picache  or  peak.  Tacca  also  appears  in  print  as  Ttacca  and 
Taceo  (perhaps  the  Piman  word  ta-kju,  meaning  "  iron  ").  This 
small  mountain  stands  in  the  plain  close  to  the  railroad, 
on  the  left  going  north,  between  Red  Rock  and  Picacho 
stations:  there  is  another  further  off  to  the  right,  called 
Desert  peak.  The  picacho  is  a  conspicuous  landmark  in 
the  Tucson  desert;  a  cut  of  this  formation,  viewed  from 
the  south,  is  on  p.  200  of  Bartlett's  Narr.,  vol.  ii.  As  Garces 
is  still  traveling  "  by  rail,"  as  it  were,  it  is  easy  to  adjust 
his  camps;  his  line  of  march  is  parallel  with  the  rails,  though  a 
little  west  of  them,  as  it  is  on  the  other  (the  left)  side  of  Rio 
Santa  Cruz,  till  to-day,  as  appears  by  Font's  map.  Besides  is- 
suing the  order  of  which  Garces  speaks,  Anza  to-day  enforced 
discipline  by  directing  25  lashes  to  be  given  to  the  other  mule- 
teer who  had  absconded  and  been  brought  in  by  Indians 
from  Tucson. 

22  These  were  not  a  distinct  tribe  of  the  Pima,  the  name  being 
applied  to  the  Pima,  Sobaipuri,  and  also  evidently  some  stray 
Papago  settled  along  the  Gila,  whence  the  name  is  derived. 
Also  called  Cilenos  and  Xilenos.  They  of  course  have  no  con- 
nection with  the  Apaches  Gilenos  or  Gileno  Apache  to  the  east- 
ward, who  also  were  called  Xilenos,   Gilenos,  etc. — F.   W.   H. 

The  author  of  the  Rudo  Ensayo  devotes  his  chap,  vi,  sec.  2, 
pp.  188-192,  to  the  "  High  and  Low  Pimas,"  i.  e.,  those  of 
Pimeria  Alta  and  Baxa.  "  The  villages  of  the  Low  Pimas  are 
like  landmarks  in  this  province  [Sonora];  for  from  Taraitzi  to 
Cumuripa,  Onapa,  Nuri,  Movas,  and  Onabas,  they  form  such 
towards  the  south,  and  from  Cumuripa,  Zuaqui  [or  Suaqui,  a 
Nevome  village],  San  Joseph  of  the  Pimas,  Santa  Rosalia,  Ures, 
and  Nacomeri,  towards  the  west,  they  form  the  border  line  with 
the  Seris.    .    .   The  Pimas  of  the  mountains  [i.  c,  High  Pimas] 


86  PIMAN    AND   YUMAN    FAMILIES. 

occupy  all  of  the  land  from  Cucurpe,  through  Santa  Ana  and 
Caborca  to  the  sea,  from  east  to  west,  and  from  south  to  north, 
all  from  said  mission  running  through  Dolores,  Remedios,  Co- 
cospera,  the  Terrenate  fortress,  and  from  there  following  the 
river  San  Pedro,  called  also  Sobahipuris,  as  far  as  its  junction 
with  the  Gila,  and  on  both  banks  of  the  latter  as  far  as  the 
Colorado.  .  .  The  genuine  Pimas  of  the  mountains  may  be 
divided  into  four  sections:  the  first  comprehends  those  congre- 
gated in  villages;  the  second,  the  Papagos  already  mentioned; 
the  third,  the  Sobahipuris;  and  the  fourth,  those  who  live  on 
the  Gila  river."  i.  e.,  the  Gilefios  mentioned  in  the  text  above. 
The  Ensayo  continues:  "The  Opas.  Comaricopas,  Hudcoa- 
dam,  Yumas,  Cuhuanas,  Quiquimas  and  others  beyond  the 
Colorado  river,  may  also  be  called  Pimas  and  counted  as  so 
many  tribes  of  this  nation,  for  they  all  use  the  same  language 
with  merely  a  difference  of  dialect."  But  this  last  statement 
requires  modification  in  order  to  recognize  the  Yumas,  etc.,  as 
a  distinct  linguistic  stock.     The  classification  now  accepted  is: 

PIMAN    FAMILY.  YUMAN    FAMILY. 

a)  Northern.  Cochimi. 
Opata.  Cocopa. 

Papago.  Cuchan  (Yuma  proper). 

Pima  (proper).  Diegueno. 

b)  Southern.  Havasupai. 
Cahita.  Maricopa. 
Cora.  Mojave. 
Tarahumara.  Seri(?). 
Tepehuana.  Waicuru. 

Walapai. 
Yavapai. 

"  Bearing  away  from  the  Santa  Cruz  in  the  vicinity  of  present 
Picacho  station,  and  proceeding  little  west  of  north  for  about 
32  miles,  Garces  approaches  the  Gila  at  a  point  some  8  miles 


VARIOUS    PLACES.  87 

N.  W.  of  the  Casa  Grande,  as  we  learn  from  what  he  says  for 
Oct.  31.  The  laguna  where  the  party  camped  is  called  Camani 
in  another  report  of  this  expedition.  This  position  is  in  the 
S.  E.  portion  of  the  present  Gila  River  Indian  Reservation,  not 
far  from  the  present  Indian  village  which  is  12  m.  due  W.  of 
Florence.  The  reservation  is  a  large  one,  running  broadly 
down  both  sides  of  the  river  to  the  confluence  of  Salt  river,  and 
has  quite  a  long  history:  see  Executive  Orders  of  Aug.  31,  1876; 
Jan.  10  and  June  14,  1879;  May  5,  1882;  Nov.  15,  1883.  The 
Gila  is  the  principal  branch  of  the  Colorado  in  Arizona,  and 
thus  the  second  largest  river  of  the  Territory;  with  its  main 
fork,  the  Salado,  it  is  the  first  in  importance  from  an  agricultural 
standpoint.     A  special  note  on  this  river  will  be  found  beyond. 

24  Zacdte,  more  frequently  sacate,  from  the  Nahuatl  gacatl,  is 
the  usual  name  for  grass  such  as  horses  and  cattle  eat,  also 
called  indifferently  by  Garces  pastos  and  pasturas,  pasturage, 
forage,  herbage.  Such  "  grass  "  is  distinguished  from  sacaton, 
the  tall  rank  herbage,  such  as  reeds,  rushes,  and  the  like,  unfit 
for  forage. 

25  Equituni  is  the  same  as  Aquituno  or  Aquituni,  the  names 
applied  by  Anza  and  Font  on  this  journey  to  Garces'  ran- 
cheria  of  Quitoac.  So  far  as  known  this  is  the  first  and  in- 
deed only  time  the  name  is  given.  There  is  a  close  similarity 
between  the  names  Quitoac  and  Quitoa  (following),  but  unless 
Garces  became  confused  they  were  doubtless  distinct  rancherias. 
— F.  W.  H. 

28  Cuitoa  was  a  Papago  village,  the  Papago  also  being  loosely 
included  with  the  Pimas  Gilefios.     See  note  19,  p.  84. — F.  W.  H. 

"  Vturituc  was  a  Pima  village  on  the  Gila,  4  to  6  leagues  west 
of  Casa  Grande  ruin.  Anza  visited  it  in  1774,  at  which  date  it 
had  300  inhabitants.  Font  estimated  the  population  at  1000. 
Its  saint  name  was  San  Juan  Capistrano,  and  it  has  been  re- 
ferred to  under  the  names  San  Juan  Capistrans  de  Virtud, 
Ulurituc,  Tutiritucar,  Tutunitucan,  Utilltuc,  and  Uturicut. — 
F.  W.  H. 


TROWESS    OF    THE    PIMAS. 

*  Sutaquison  was  a  Pima  settlement  on  the  Gila  between  Casa 
Grande  and  a  point  10  miles  below.  Kino  first  visited  it  in 
1694,  naming  it  Encarnacion.  It  is  probably  identical  with  the 
modern  Sacaton  or  Zacaton.  According  to  Font  the  population 
was  5000  in  1775,  and  although  this  may  be  an  overestimate  it 
was  in  all  probability  the  most  populous  of  all  the  Pima  settle- 
ments. Also  recorded  as  Sudacson,  Sutaguison,  etc.  The  name 
seems  to  have  a  derivation  similar  to  that  of  Tucson  (Styucson), 
previously  noted. — F.  W.  H. 

The  evidence  that  Kino  visited  Sutaquison  and  named  it  En- 
carnacion in  1694  is  positive  by  Apost.  Afan.,  p.  253,  where  it  is 
said,  in  substance,  that  in  Nov.,  1694,  he  undertook  a  new  jour- 
ney, and  penetrated  unto  the  Rio  Gila,  distant  as  it  were  43 
leagues  from  San  Xavier  del  Bac,  between  north  and  west:  "to 
the  first  rancheria  which  he  encountered,  composed  of  Piman 
people,  he  gave  the  name  of  Encarnacion;  and  to  another,  four 
leagues  further  on,  that  of  San  Andres." 

M  The  Pimas  waged  vigorous  war  against  the  Apaches 
whenever  occasion  offered,  and  there  are  still  among  the  for- 
mer tribe  many  elderly  men  who  bear  wounds  received  during 
Apache  campaigns.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  friendly  Pimas, 
many  white  settlements  in  southern  Arizona  would  not  have 
found  it  possible  to  exist. — F.  W.  H. 

The  prowess  of  the  Pimas  was  more  than  once  felt  by  their 
oppressors  the  Spaniards.  Three  Jesuit  missionaries  and  va- 
rious others  were  killed  by  them  at  different  times.  The 
tarliest  victim  was  Father  F.  X.  Saeta,  murdered  at  Caborca  on 
Apr.  2,  1695  (Apost.  Afan.,  p.  257).  The  most  notable  uprising 
began  on  Nov.  21,  1751,  on  which  day  Fathers  Tomas  Tello  at 
Caborca  and  Henry  Ruen  or  Ruhen  at  Sonoita  were  killed; 
this  revolt  was  not  finally  quelled  till  1754.  Another  important 
insurrection  occurred  in  1761,  and  ran  a  year  or  two;  this  was  of 
of  Pimas  Bajas  and  Seris.  The  Pimas,  in  fact,  in  spite  of  the 
eloquent  protestations  of  their  chief  apostle  Kino,  were  almost 
from  the  beginning  regarded  with  suspicion  by  the  Spaniards, 


MOTECUHZOMA.  89 

and  the  logic  of  events  frequently  justified  such  suspicion;  but 
it  should  be  added  that  they  were  more  than  once  outraged  and 
of  course  incessantly  oppressed.  Since  we  have  owned  the 
country  I  do  not  think  we  have  ever  had  trouble  with  either 
Pimas  or  Papagos  in  Arizona. 

"  Moctezuma  is  a  compromise  between  the  proper  name  and 
our  familiar  corruption,  Montezuma:  thus  Bandelier,  Amer. 
Anthrop.,  Oct.,  1892,  p.  319,  has:  "There  is  no  need  of  proving 
that  the  name  of  the  Mexican  '  Chief  of  Men  '  (Tlaca-tecuhtli) 
who  perished  while  in  the  custody  of  the  Spaniards  under  Her- 
nando Cortes  in  1520  was  Mo-tecuh-zoma,  literally  '  Our 
Wrathy  Chieftain.'  Bernal  Diez  [Diaz]  del  Castillo,  an  eye- 
witness and  the  much-prejudiced  author  of  the  'True  History'  of 
the  Conquest,  is  responsible  for  the  corruption  into  Montezuma, 
which  has  since  become  popular  and  most  widely  known.  It 
is  interesting  how  that  misspelling  has  taken  hold  of  the  public 
mind,  how  it  has  completely  supplanted  the  original  true 
orthography  and  meaning.  Meaning  even  is  out  of  place  here, 
for,  while  Motecnhsoma  is  a  legitimate  Nahuatl  word  with  a  very 
plain  signification,  and  also  a  typical  Indian  personal  name, 
Montezuma  has  no  signification  whatever;  and  yet,  in  Mexico, 
even  the  Nahuatl  Indians — those  who  speak  the  Nahuatl  lan- 
guage daily — know  only  Montezuma,  and  would  hardly  recog- 
nize the  original  name  as  applicable  to  him,  whom  they  have 
been  taught  to  call  an  '  emperor.'  " 

Ruins  of  unknown  origin  became  "  Montezumas  " — not  only 
"  houses  of  Montezuma,"  but  Montezuma  himself — in  popular 
speech.  "  Casas  de  Montezuma  "  are  mentioned  by  this  name 
as  early  as  1664  by  Francisco  de  Gorraez  Beaumont  and  An- 
tonio de  Oca  Sarmiento,  speaking  of  those  then  recently  dis- 
covered in  northwestern  Chihuahua  (Bandelier,  /.  c,  p.  320). 
The  most  famous  of  all  such  edifices  is  still  standing  near  the  Gila, 
only  about  a  mile  and  a  half  south  of  the  river,  some  nine  miles 
west  by  south  by  the  road  from  Florence,  in  the  S.  W.  J4  of 
section  16  of  tp.  5  S.  of  the  base  line,  range  8  E.  of  the  Gila 


90  DISCOVERY    OF    CASA    GRANDE. 

and  Salt  river  meridian;  this  is  the  one  now  visited  by  Font 
and  Garces.  Its  position  is  almost  on  lat.  33°;  so  Father  Font 
made  a  close  observation  on  this  Oct.  31,  1775.  Its  location 
is  a  reservation  of  about  54  square  m.,  called  by  the  name  of 
the  ruin,  set  aside  from  sale  or  settlement  by  Executive  Order  of 
June  22,  1892,  in  pursuance  of  Act  of  Congress  of  Mar.  2,  1889. 
Its  literature  is  extensive;  besides  what  I  am  about  to  cite,  see 
Bandelier's  Final  Rep.  in  Arch.  Inst.  Papers,  pt.  ii,  1892,  p.  439 
(t  scq.,  referring  to  early  Spanish  reports;  Fewkes  in  Journ. 
Amer.  Ethn.  and  Arch.,  1892,  pp.  177-193;  and  MindelefFs  elab- 
orate papers  in  13th  and  15th  Ann.  Rep.  Bur.  Amer.  Ethnol. 
Waiving  what  has  been  erroneously  adduced  of  Spanish  knowl- 
edge of  this  Casa  Grande  in  the  time  of  Friar  Marcos  and  Coro- 
nado,  1539-42,  I  will  note  something  of  the  discovery  of  these 
ruins  by  Kino  in  November,  1694,  on  the  occasion  of  his  first 
pushing  an  entrada  in  Arizona  to  the  Gila.  It  appears  from 
Apost.  Afan.,  p.  252  et  seq.,  that  Kino  had  heard  of  the  ruin  in 
Nov.,  1694,  when  he  undertook  a  new  journey  and  reached  the 
Gila:  "  En  este  sitio  se  hallo  una  casa  grande,  y  antigua,  que  aun 
ahora  [1752]  permanece,  y  se  assegura,  que  es  de  quatro  altos; 
alii  cerca  se  veian  otras,  que  sin  duda  davan  indicio  de  Pobla- 
cion  grande,  que  havia  havido  en  otro  tiempo.  Anade  en  su 
relation  el  padre  Kino,  que  en  otras  ocasiones  havia  oido  dezir, 
y  algunas  vezes  el  mismo  visto,  que  mas  adelante  por  los  mis- 
mos  rumbos  de  Oriente,  Poniente,  y  Norte  havia  otros  vestigios, 
y  ruinas  de  semejantes  Poblaciones  " — that  is  to  say,  freely,  in 
that  Gila  locality  there  was  found  a  house  large  and  ancient, 
which  was  still  standing  when  Ortega  was  writing,  in  1752,  and 
was  certainly  four  stories  high;  that  thereabouts  were  to  be  seen 
others  which  had  formerly  existed;  that  Father  Kino  added  in 
his  relation,  that  on  other  occasions  he  had  heard  it  said,  and 
sometimes  had  seen  for  himself,  that  further  on  in  the  same 
directions,  east,  west,  and  north,  there  were  yet  other  remains 
and  ruins  of  similar  settlements.  Ortega  goes  on  to  speak  of 
the  ancient   traditions,   received  by  all  the  historians   of   New 


KINO    AT    CASA    GRANDE.  91 

Spain,  that  through  those  interior  parts  came  the  ancient  Mex- 
ican nation  to  seek  lands  in  which  to  settle,  and  that  this  Gila 
locality  was  one  of  their  stopping-places,  in  which  they  left 
those  houses  whose  ruins  were  still  recognized.  Also,  he  says, 
there  were  existent  between  Presidio  de  Janos  and  Real  de  Che- 
guagua  other  casas  grandes,  having  like  relation  to  the  peoples 
whose  transmigration  ended  with  the  founding  of  the  City  of 
Mexico.  Again,  says  Ortega,  Father  Kino  is  persuaded  in  his 
MSS.  that  this  locality  is  the  one  which  the  venerable  Padre 
Frai  Marcos  de  Niza,  who  claims  to  have  gone  all  through 
these  lands,  calls  that  of  the  Seven  Cities  (sc.  of  Cibola)  in  a 
volume  he  wrote  about  his  peregrinations — which  is,  of  course, 
a  mistake,  as  that  friar  was  never  there.  Kino  is  credited  with 
having  said  mass  in  the  casa  in  that  autumn  of  1694;  he  was 
again  on  the  spot  in  November  of  1697,  and  once  more  in  the 
spring  of  1699.  On  the  occasion  of  his  1697  visit,  his  biog- 
rapher gives  the  following  notice,  Apost.  Afan.,  p.  268:  "  Si- 
guiendo  las  orillas  del  mismo  Rio  Quiburi  [now  Rio  San  Pedro) 
llegaron  a  las  del  Gila,  y  caminando  por  tres  dias  rio  abaxo 
.  .  .  vinieron  a  la  Casa  grande,  de  cuya  vista  mucho  se  ale- 
graron  los  Cabos,  y  los  Soldados;  admiraronse,  que  distasse  del 
rio  Gila  casi  una  legua  en  parage  falto  de  agua:  cesso  en  breve 
su  admiracion,  quando  repararon  en  una  Zanja  de  seis,  6  sieta 
varas  de  anchura  con  los  bordos  en  una,  y  otra  parte  de 
tres  varas  de  alto,  que  llegava  hasta  el  rio  Gila,  y  proveia  de 
agua  no  solo  las  Casas,  mas  tambien  con  una  gran  buelta,  que 
dava  a  una  campina  de  muchas  leguas  de  extension,  en  tierra 
liana,  y  pingue:  indicava  todo  esto  lo  mucho,  que  anos  pasados 
havia  servido  en  dilatadas  siembras,  y  las  que  en  lo  venidero  se 
podian  hazer  alii  " — that  is  to  say,  in  substance,  the  soldiers 
wondered  at  the  distance  of  the  house  from  the  Gila  in  such 
a  dry  place,  but  ceased  to  marvel  when  they  found  what  a  big 
ditch  extended  to  the  river,  sufficing  to  irrigate  all  the  country 
round  about,  etc.  The  diary  of  this  expedition,  by  Juan  Mateo 
Mange,  who  accompanied  Kino,  is  printed  in  Doc.  para  Hist. 


92  RUDO    ENSAYO    ON    CASA    GRANDE. 

Mex.,  4th  ser.,  i,  1856,  pp.  274-291,  with  ref.  to  the  Casas 
Grandes  on  pp.  282-284,  for  Nov.  18,  1697.  This,  no  doubt,  is 
what  is  quoted  by  Bartlett,  Narr.,  ii,  p.  265,  with  ref.  to  a  MS. 
cited  in  Schoolcraft's  Indian  Tribes,  iii,  p.  301.  Though 
Mange  was  also  with  Kino  on  the  entrada  of  1694,  when  the 
Casas  Grandes  were  discovered  by  Kino,  he  did  not  share  that 
discovery.  But  he  has  been  repeatedly  quoted  as  co-discoverer, 
as  by  Bartlett,  p.  281,  relying  upon  the  notoriously  inaccurate 
Schoolcraft,  who  even  credits  Mange,  an  army  officer,  with 
saying  mass  in  the  famous  edifice!  If  we  return  to  Mange's 
own  diary  of  1694,  as  pub.  in  the  Docs,  just  cited,  pp.  250-259, 
we  find  on  p.  250  that  the  heading  of  Capitulo  Tercero,  devoted 
to  Kino's  third  entrada,  declares  that  "  ejecuto  por  si  (by 
himself)  el  dicho  padre  al  descubrimiento  de  las  Casas  Grandes," 
etc.;  while  at  the  end  of  this  chapter,  p.  259,  there  is  the  follow- 
ing: "  En  el  interin  de  esta  campana  mismo  mes  y  ano  [Novem- 
ber, 1694]  salio  por  si  el  reverendo  padre  Francisco  Eusebio 
Kino,  a  descubrir  el  rio  [Gila]  y  casas  grandes  dentro  de  las 
cuales  dijo  misa  " — went  alone  the  Rev.  Padre  Kino  to  discover 
the  Gila  and  Casas  Grandes,  in  which  latter  he  said  mass. 

From  the  turn  of  the  century,  1699-1700,  we  have  little  further 
information  for  about  60  years.  Then  the  author  of  the  Rudo 
Ensayo,  writing  in  1762,  speaks  as  follows  (I  quote  the  English 
transl.  first  pub.  June,  1894,  in  Am.  Cath.  Hist.  Soc,  v,  No.  2, 
p.  127):  "...  the  Gila  leaves  on  its  left,  at  the  distance  of  one 
league,  the  Casa  Grande,  called  the  house  of  Moctezuma,  because 
of  a  tradition  current  among  the  Indians  and  Spaniards,  of  this 
place  having  been  one  of  the  abodes  in  which  the  Mexicans 
rested  on  their  long  transmigrations.  This  great  house  is  four 
stories  high,  still  standing,  with  a  roof  made  of  beams  of  cedar 
or  tlascal,  and  with  most  solid  walls  of  a  material  that  looks  like 
the  best  cement.  It  is  divided  into  many  halls  and  rooms  and 
might  well  lodge  a  travelling  court.  Three  leagues  distant  and 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  river  there  is  another  similar  house, 
but  now  much  demolished,  which,   from  the  ruins,  can  be  in- 


FONT   ON    CASA   GRANDE.  93 

ferred  to  have  been  of  vaster  size  than  the  former.  For  some 
leagues  around,  in  the  neighborhood  of  these  houses,  wherever 
the  earth  is  dug  up,  broken  pieces  of  very  fine  and  variously 
colored  earthen-ware  are  found.  Judging  from  a  reservoir  of 
vast  extent  and  still  open,  which  is  found  two  leagues  up  the 
river,  holding  sufficient  water  to  supply  a  city  and  to  irrigate 
for  many  leagues  the  fruitful  land  of  that  beautiful  plain,  the 
residence  of  the  Mexicans  there  must  not  have  been  a  brief  one." 

The  foregoing  fairly  reflects  what  was  known  or  believed 
concerning  the  Casas  Grandes,  down  to  the  date  of  our  author's 
visit  to  the  ruins  with  Father  Font.  Font's  original  report, 
in  Spanish,  has  never  been  published;  but  a  French  translation, 
from  some  clerical  copy  of  Font's  Diary,  appeared  in  Ternaux- 
Compans,  Voyages,  etc.,  8vo,  Paris,  1838,  vol.  ix,  appendix, 
art.  vii,  pp.  383-386,  headed  "  Notice  sur  la  Grande  Maison  Dite 
de  Moctecuzoma."  This  appears  to  be  the  basis  of  the  account 
in  English  in  Bartlett's  Narrative,  etc.  Ternaux-Compans  was 
a  careless  if  not  an  incompetent  editor  of  Spanish;  there  is 
always  a  suspicion  that  what  he  sets  forth  in  French  is  not 
exactly  what  his  Spanish  author  says  in  the  original.  I  made 
a  careful  translation  of  the  French  at  Santa  Fe,  Sept.  4,  1898, 
but  on  comparing  it  with  Font's  Diary  I  find  it  a  loose  para- 
phrase. With  Font's  own  handwriting  before  me,  I  give  it  in 
as  close  a  translation  as  I  can  make — as  nearly  word  for  word 
as  English  idiom  will  admit.  At  date  of  Tuesday,  Oct.  31,  Font 
says: 

"  Determined  the  senor  comandante  to-day  to  rest  the  people 
from  the  long  journey  of  yesterday,  and  with  this  we  had  an 
opportunity  of  going  to  examine  the  Casa  grande,  that  they  call 
of  Moctezuma,  situated  at  one  league  from  the  river  Gila,  and 
distant  from  the  place  of  the  laguna  [Camani,  where  they  had 
camped]  some  three  leagues  to  the  eastsoutheast;  to  the  which 
we  went  after  mass,  and  returned  after  midday,  accompanied 
by  some  Indians,  and  by  the  Governor  of  Uturituc,  who  on  the 
way  told  us  a  history,  and  tradition,  that  the   Pimas  Gilenos 


94  FONT    ON    CASA    GRANDE. 

conserve  from  their  ancestors  concerning  said  Casa  grande, 
which  all  reduces  itself  to  fictions  (patranas)  mingled  confusedly 
with  some  catholic  truths,  the  which  I  will  notice  hereafter.  I 
i  bserved  this  place  of  the  Casa  grande,  marked  on  the  Map, 
which  afterward  I  drew,  with  the  letter  A,  and  I  found  it  with- 
out correction  in  33."  11.'  and  with  correction  in  33.°  3.'  J/2. 
[Ternaux-Compans  has  330  30'  by  mistake — read  330  03'  30".] 
And  thus  I  say:  In  the  Casa  grande  of  the  river  Gila,  day  31  of 
October  of  1775:  meridional  altitude  of  the  lower  limb  of  the 
sun:  42.°  25.'  We  examined  with  all  care  this  edifice,  and  its 
\estiges,  whose  ichnographic  plan  is  that  which  here  I  put  [pen- 
and-ink  ground  plan  of  the  Casa,  oriented,  10%  x  6}i  inches, 
faces  p.  20  of  the  bound  MS.]:  and  for  its  better  understanding 
1  give  the  description  and  explication  following:  The  Casa 
grande,  or  palace  of  Moctezuma  will  have  from  foundation 
some  five  hundred  years  according  to  the  histories  and  scanty 
notices  that  there  are  of  it,  and  the  Indians  give:  because,  as  it 
appears,  the  Mexicans  made  this  foundation  when  in  their  trans- 
migrations the  devil  took  them  through  various  lands  until  they 
iirrived  at  the  promised  land  of  Mexico,  and  in  their  sojourns, 
which  were  long,  they  formed  settlement,  and  edifices.  The 
site  on  which  is  found  this  Casa  is  level  in  all  directions,  and 
apart  from  the  river  Gila  about  one  league,  and  the  ruins  of 
the  houses  which  formed  the  settlement  extend  more  than  a 
league  to  the  east  and  the  rest  of  the  winds;  and  all  this  ground 
is  strewn  with  pieces  of  jars,  pots,  plates,  &c,  some  plain,  and 
others  painted  of  various  colors,  white,  blue,  red,  &c,  an  indica- 
tion that  it  was  a  large  settlement,  and  of  a  distinct  people  from 
the  Pimas  Gilenos,  since  these  know  not  to  make  such  pottery. 
We  made  an  exact  inspection  of  the  edifice,  and  of  its  situation, 
and  we  measured  it  with  a  lance  for  the  nonce,  which  measure- 
ment I  reduced  afterward  to  geometrical  feet,  and  a  little  more 
or  less  it  h  the  following:  The  Casa  is  an  oblong  square 
iquadrilonga — mm  carre  long),  and  perfectly  to  the  four  cardinal 
winds,  east,  west,  north,  and  south,  and  roundabout  (al  rededor) 


Contour  Intervol.  I.  Foot. 

GROUND  PLAN  OF  CASA  GRANDE  (AFTER  MINDELEFF) 


FONT    ON    CASA    GRANDE.  95 

are  some  ruins,  which  indicate  some  enclosure  or  wall  (ccrco 
6  muralla),  which  surrounded  the  house  and  other  buildings 
particularly  at  the  corners  (esquinas),  where  it  seems  there  was 
some  structure  like  an  interior  castle,  or  watch-tower,  for  in 
the  corner  which  falls  on  the  southwest  there  is  a  piece  of 
groundwork  with  its  divisions  and  an  elevation  (un  pedazo  en 
pie  con  sus  divisiones,  y  un  alto — remains  of  basement  and  wall). 
The  exterior  enclosure  has  from  north  to  south  420.  feet,  and 
from  east  to  west  260.  The  interior  of  the  Casa  is  composed 
of  five  halls,  the  three  equal  in  the  middle,  and  one  at  each 
extremity  larger.  The  three  [middle]  halls  have  from  north 
to  south  26.  feet,  and  from  east  to  west  10.  The  two  halls  of  the 
extremities  [one  at  each  end]  have  from  north  to  south  12.  feet, 
and  from  east  to  west  38.  The  halls  have  of  height  some  11. 
feet,  and  all  are  equal  [in  this  respect].  The  doors  of  com- 
munication have  of  height  5.  feet,  and  of  width  2.  and  are  all 
about  equal,  except  the  four  first  [outer  ones]  of  the  four 
entrances,  which  it  appears  were  twice  as  wide  (otro  tanto 
anchas).  The  thickness  of  the  interior  walls  [is]  4.  feet,  and 
they  are  well  constructed  (enjarradas) ;  and  of  the  exterior 
ones  6.  feet.  The  Casa  has  on  the  outside  from  north  to  south 
70.  feet,  and  from  east  to  west  50.  The  walls  are  sloped  (escar- 
padas)  on  the  outer  side.  In  front  of  the  door  of  the  east, 
separated  from  the  Casa,  there  is  another  building  (pieza — 
piece),  which  has  from  north  to  south  26.  feet,  and  from  east  to 
west  18.  without  [exclusive  of]  the  thickness  of  the  walls.  The 
woodwork  was  of  pine,  apparently  (por  lo  que  se  ve),  and  the 
sierra  most  near,  which  has  pines,  is  distant  some  twenty  and 
five  leagues:  and  also  has  some  mezquite.  All  the  edifice  is 
of  earth,  and  according  to  the  signs,  it  is  a  mud-wall  made  with 
boxes  of  various  sizes  (es  tapia  fabricada  con  caxones  de  varios 
tamanes,  i.  e.,  is  built  of  puddled  earth  in  blocks  of  various  sizes). 
There  comes  from  the  river,  and  from  quite  afar,  an  acequia 
very  large,  with  which  was  supplied  with  water  the  population, 
and  it  is  now  very  blind  (cegada,  i.e.,  indistinct.)   [Some  translate 


96  FONT    ON    CASA    GRANDE. 

this  "almost  dry"!].  Finally,  it  is  known  that  the  edifice  had 
three  stories;  and  if  is  truth  that  which  can  be  found  out  from 
the  Indians,  and  according  to  the  indications  that  are  visible, 
it  had  four,  the  basement  of  the  Casa  deepening  in  the  manner 
of  a  subterranean  apartment.  To  give  light  to  the  apartments, 
there  occurs  no  more  than  the  doors,  and  some  circular  open- 
ings in  the  midst  of  the  walls  which  face  to  the  east  and  west, 
and  the  Indians  said  that  through  these  openings  (which  are 
pretty  large)  looked  out  the  Prince,  whom  they  name  El 
Hombre  Amargo  [lliomme  deplaisant,  the  '  ugly  man,'  i.  e., 
our  wrathy  chieftain  Motecuhzoma]  upon  the  sun  when  it  rose, 
and  set,  to  salute  it.  There  are  found  no  traces  of  staircases, 
from  which  we  judged  that  they  were  of  wood,  and  were  de- 
stroyed in  the  conflagration  which  the  edifice  suffered  from  the 
Apaches." 

Thus  far  Font  with  his  excellent  description.  He  goes  on 
with  two  and  a  half  pages  of  the  yarn  which  the  governor 
of  Uturituc  spun  for  him  in  the  Pima  tongue,  translated  as 
they  went  along  by  one  of  Anza's  servants.  But  this  is  dreary 
rubbish,  which  it  would  be  neither  entertaining  nor  edifying 
to  set  forth;  and  so  I  refrain.  When  Lt.  Col.  W.  H.  Emory 
came  by  in  November,  1846,  he  found  an  Indian  who  told  him 
the  fact  about  these  buildings:  "We  know,  in  truth,  nothing  of 
their  origin.  It  is  all  enveloped  in  mystery "  (Report,  etc., 
p.  83;  with  a  plate  of  the  main  Casa  Grande  and  the  two  adjoin- 
ing buildings,  from  the  sketch  made  by  J.  M.  Stanley,  artist 
of  the  expedition,  whose  many  paintings,  mostly  Indian  por- 
traits, were  destroyed  by  the  partial  burning  of  the  Smithsonian 
Institution,  Jan.  24,   1865). 

Font's  description  has  been  repeatedly  quoted  or  copied, 
some  authors  making  the  strange  mistake  of  citing  his  dimen- 
sions of  the  exterior  enclosure,  420  x  260  feet,  as  those  of  the 
house  itself.  Bartlett's  Narr.,  ii,  p.  280,  notices  this  blunder, 
after  giving  a  long  extract  from  Font,  as  far  as  it  goes  sub- 
stantially the  same  as  the  above.     He  visited  the  spot  on  July  12, 


BARTLETT  ON  CASA  GRANDE.  97 

1852,  and  has  left  us  a  careful  description  of  the  ruins  as  they 
then  were,  in  comparison  with  Font  of  1775  and  Kino  of  1694, 
finding  little  change  during  the  century  and  a  half;  his  plate  of 
the  three  principal  ruins  faces  p.  274,  and  on  p.  276  are  the 
ground  plans  of  two  of  them  and  two  elevations.  I  think  it 
well  to  transcribe  his  account  (Narr.,  ii,  pp.  272-yy): 

"  The  '  Casas  Grandes,'  or  Great  Houses,  consist  of  three 
buildings,  all  included  within  a  space  of  150  yards.  The  prin- 
cipal and  larger  one  is  in  the  best  state  of  preservation,  its  four 
exterior  walls  and  most  of  the  inner  ones  remaining.  A  con- 
siderable portion  of  the  upper  part  of  the  walls  has  crumbled 
away  and  fallen  inwards,  as  appears  from  the  great  quantity  of 
rubbish  and  disintegrated  adobe  which  fills  the  first  story  of 
the  building.  Three  stories  now  stand  and  can  plainly  be  made 
out  by  the  ends  of  the  beams  remaining  in  the  walls,  or  by  the 
cavities  which  they  occupied;  but  I  think  there  must  have  been 
another  story  above,  in  order  to  account  for  the  crumbling 
walls  and  rubbish  within.  The  central  portion  or  tower  rising 
from  the  foundation,  is  some  eight  or  ten  feet  higher  than  the 
outer  walls,  and  may  have  been  several  feet,  probably  one 
story,  higher  when  the  building  was  complete.  The  walls  at 
the  base  are  between  four  and  five  feet  in  thickness;  their  pre- 
cise dimensions  could  not  be  ascertained,  so  much  having  crum- 
bled away.  The  inside  is  perpendicular,  while  the  exterior  face 
tapers  towards  the  top,  in  a  curved  line.  These  walls,  as  well 
as  the  division  walls  of  the  interior,  are  laid  with  large  square 
blocks  of  mud,  prepared  for  the  purpose  by  pressing  the  material 
into  large  boxes  about  two  feet  in  height  and  four  feet  long. 
When  the  mud  became  sufficiently  hardened,  the  case  was 
moved  along  and  again  filled,  and  so  on  until  the  whole  edifice 
was  completed.  This  is  a  rapid  mode  of  building;  but  the  Mexi- 
cans seem  never  to  have  applied  it  to  any  purpose  but  the 
erection  of  fences  or  division-walls.  The  material  of  this  build- 
ing is  the  mud  of  the  valley,  mixed  with  gravel.  The  mud  is 
very  adhesive,  and  when  dried  in  the  sun,  is  very  durable.     The 


98  BARTLETT    OX    CASA    GRANDE. 

outer  surface  of  the  wall  appears  to  have  been  plastered  roughly; 
but  the  inside,  as  well  as  the  surface  of  all  the  inner  walls,  is 
hard  finished.  This  is  done  with  a  composition  of  adobe,  and  is 
still  as  smooth  as  when  first  made,  and  has  quite  a  polish.  On 
one  of  the  walls  are  rude  figures,  drawn  with  red  lines,  but 
no  inscriptions.  From  the  charred  ends  of  the  beams  which 
remain  in  the  walls,  it  is  evident  that  the  building  was  de- 
stroyed by  fire.  Some  of  the  lintels  which  remain  over  the 
doors  are  formed  of  several  sticks  of  wood,  stripped  of  their 
bark,  but  showing  no  signs  of  a  sharp  instrument.  The  beams 
which  supported  the  floors,  were  from  four  to  five  inches  in 
diameter,  placed  about  the  same  distance  apart,  and  inserted 
deeply  in  the  walls. 

"  Most  of  the  apartments  are  connected  by  doors,  besides 
which  there  are  circular  openings  in  the  upper  part  of  the 
chambers  to  admit  light  and  air.  The  ground  plan  of  the 
building  shows  that  all  the  apartments  were  long  and  narrow, 
without  windows.  The  inner  rooms,  I  think,  were  used  as 
store-rooms  for  corn;  in  fact,  it  is  a  question  whether  the  whole 
may  not  have  been  built  for  a  similar  purpose.  There  are  four 
entrances,  one  in  the  centre  of  each  side.  The  door  on  the 
western  side  is  but  two  feet  wide,  and  seven  or  eight  high;  the 
others  three  feet  wide  and  five  in  height,  tapering  towards  the 
top, — a  peculiarity  belonging  to  the  ancient  edifices  of  Central 
America  and  Yucatan.  With  the  exception  of  these  doors, 
there  are  no  exterior  openings,  except  on  the  western  side, 
where  they  are  of  a  circular  form.  Over  the  doorway  corre- 
sponding to  the  third  story,  on  the  western  front,  is  an  open- 
ing, where  there  was  a  window,  which  I  think  was  square.  In 
a  line  with  this  are  two  circular  openings. 

"  The  southern  front  has  fallen  in  several  places,  and  is  much 
injured  by  large  fissures,  yearly  becoming  larger,  so  that  the 
whole  of  it  must  fall  ere  long.  The  other  three  fronts  are  quite 
perfect.  The  walls  at  the  base,  and  particularly  at  the  corners, 
have  crumbled  away  to  the  extent  of  12  or  15  inches,  and  are 


BARTLETT  ON  CASA  GRANDE.  99 

only  held  together  by  their  great  thickness.  The  moisture  here 
causes  disintegration  to  take  place  more  rapidly  than  in  any 
other  part  of  the  building;  and  in  a  few  years,  when  the  walls 
have  become  more  undermined,  the  whole  structure  must  fall, 
and  become  a  mere  rounded  heap  like  many  other  shapeless 
mounds  which  are  seen  on  the  plain.  A  couple  of  days'  labor 
spent  in  restoring  the  walls  at  the  base  with  mud  and  gravel, 
would  render  this  interesting  monument  as  durable  as  brick, 
and  enable  it  to  last  for  centuries.  How  long  it  has  been  in 
this  ruined  state,  is  not  known;  we  only  know  that  when  visited 
by  the  missionaries  a  century  ago,  it  was  in  the  same  condition 
as  at  present. 

"  The  exterior  dimensions  of  this  building  are  50  feet  from 
north  to  south,  and  40  from  east  to  west.  On  the  ground  floor 
are  five  apartments.  Those  on  the  north  and  south  sides  extend 
the  whole  width  of  the  building,  and  measure  32  by  10  feet.  Be- 
tween these  are  three  smaller  apartments,  the  central  one  being 
within  the  tower.  All  are  open  to  the  sky.  There  is  no  appear- 
ance of  a  stairway  on  any  of  the  walls:  whence  it  has  been  in- 
ferred that  the  means  of  ascent  may  have  been  outside. 

"  On  the  south-west  of  the  principal  building  is  a  second  one 
in  a  state  of  ruin,  with  hardly  enough  of  the  walls  remaining  to 
trace  its  original  form.  The  accompanying  ground-plan  will 
show  what  portions  of  the  walls  are  standing.  The  dark  lines 
represent  the  erect  walls,  the  faint  lines  the  heaps  of  fallen 
ones.  The  central  portion,  judging  from  the  height  of  the 
present  walls,  was  two  stories  high;  the  outer  wall,  which  can 
only  be  estimated  from  the  debris,  could  not  have  been  more 
than  a  single  story. 

"  Northeast  of  the  main  building  is  a  third  one,  smaller  than 
either  of  the  others,  but  in  such  an  utter  state  of  decay  that  its 
original  form  cannot  be  determined.  It  is  small,  and  may  have 
been  no  more  than  a  watch  tower.  In  every  direction  as  far 
as  the  eye  can  reach,  are  seen  heaps  of  ruined  edifices,  with  no 
portions  of  their  walls  standing.     To  the  northwest,  about  200 


lOO  LATE    NOTICES    OF    CASA    GRANDE. 

yards  distant,  is  a  circular  embankment  from  80  to  100  yards  in 
circumference,  which  is  open  in  the  centre,  and  is  probably  the 
remains  of  an  inclosure  for  cattle.  For  miles  around  these  in 
all  directions,  the  plain  is  strewn  with  broken  pottery  and 
metates  or  corn-grinders.  The  pottery  is  red,  white,  lead 
color,  and  black.  The  figures  are  usually  geometrical  and 
formed  with  taste,  and  in  character  are  similar  to  the  orna- 
ments found  on  the  pottery  from  the  ruins  on  the  Salinas  and 
much  further  north.  Much  of  this  pottery  is  painted  on  the 
inside,  a  peculiarity  which  does  not  belong  to  the  modern  pot- 
tery.    In  its  texture  too,  it  is  far  superior.  .  . 

"  The  origin  of  these  buildings  is  shrouded  in  mystery  .  .  . 
One  thing  is  evident,  that  at  some  former  period  the  valley  of 
the  Gila,  from  this  ruin  to  the  western  extremity  of  the  rich 
bottom-lands  now  occupied  by  the  Pimos  and  Coco-Maricopas, 
as  well  as  the  broad  valley  of  the  Salinas,  for  upwards  of  40  miles, 
was  densely  populated.  The  ruined  buildings,  the  irrigating 
canals,  and  the  vast  quantities  of  pottery  of  a  superior  quality, 
show  that,  while  they  were  an  agricultural  people,  they  were 
much  in  advance  of  the  present  semi-civilized  tribes  of  the 
Gila." 

As  Bartlett  says,  the  origin  of  these  and  of  other  noteworthy 
pueblo  ruins  scattered  over  the  entire  Gila-Salado-Verde  drain- 
age is  as  yet  unknown;  but  Mr.  Hodge  thinks  it  not  unlikely 
that  investigations  now  being  conducted  by  Dr.  J.  Walter 
Fewkes  under  the  auspices  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Eth- 
nology will,  within  the  next  few  years,  prove  beyond  reasonable 
doubt  that  some  at  least  are  the  remains  of  buildings  erected  by 
certain  Hopi  (Tusayan  or  Moki)  clans  of  undoubted  southern 
origin. 

Accounts  of  Casa  Grande  as  an  object  of  tourists'  curiosity, 
more  modem  than  most  of  those  above  cited,  are  of  course  in- 
numerable; several  plates  have  been  published,  and  photographs 
are  easily  accessible.  In  general,  these  popular  notices  are 
fairly    good    descriptions,    but    historically    worthless    or    per- 


b  to 


o    £ 


^1 


BEST    MONOGRAPHS    ON    CASA   GRANDE.  IOI 

nicious.  The  best  monographs  by  far  are  those  of  Cosmos 
Mindeleff,  entitled  Casa  Grande  Ruin,  in  13th  Ann.  Rep.  Bur. 
Ethn.,  pp.  289-319,  pll.  li-lx,  and  The  Repair  of  Casa  Grande 
Ruin,  Arizona,  in  1891,  in  15th  Ann.  Rep.,  pp.  315-349,  pll.  cxii- 
cxxv. 

The  first  of  these  papers  opens  with  the  location  and  character 
of  the  ruin,  after  which  a  brief  survey  of  its  position  in  litera- 
ture is  given,  and  then  an  extremely  careful  and  minute  descrip- 
tion of  the  main  house  and  collateral  ruins  of  the  group,  in  the 
state  of  dilapidation  in  which  they  were  found  when  visited  by 
Mr.  Mindeleff  in  1890.  Among  the  plates  the  most  important 
in  some  respects  is  the  first  accurate  ground  plan  ever  published, 
showing  that  Casa  Grande  is  by  no  means  oriented  as  Font 
and  others  supposed.  We  reproduce  this  plate,  together  with 
a  general  view  of  Casa  Grande,  by  the  kind  permission  of  Major 
J.  W.  Powell,  director  of  the  Bureau. 

The  second  monograph  gives  a  complete  account  of  the  re- 
pairs authorized  by  Act  of  Congress  of  March  2,  1889,  for  which 
the  sum  of  $2,000  was  appropriated  and  duly  expended.  Sev- 
eral plates  show  what  has  been  done  in  the  way  of  clearing  out 
debris,  underpinning  and  bracing  walls,  filling  in  openings,  etc. 
Rev.  Isaac  T.  Whittemore  is  at  present  the  official  custodian  of 
what  has  been  well  styled  "  one  of  the  most  noteworthy  relics  of 
a  prehistoric  age  and  people  remaining  within  the  limits  of  the 
United  States." 


CHAPTER   III. 

DOWN    RIO    GILA    TO    YUMA,    NOVEMBER,     1775- 

Nov.  I.  We  departed  from  the  laguna  [Camani], 
and  having  marched  4  leagues  westnorthwest  we  ar- 
rived at  the  Rancheria  de  San  Juan  Capistrano,1 
where  we  were  received  by  about  a  thousand  Indians  2 

'Otherwise  Uturituc:  see  previous  note27,  p.  87.  Font  has  it 
in  full,  San  Juan  Capistrano  de  Vturituc.  This  place  was  at  or 
near  the  modern  Sacaton,  a  mile  or  so  S.  of  the  Gila,  on  the 
reservation,  in  what  would  be  tp.  4  S.,  range  6  E.  It  was  also 
called  Tutunitucan  or  Tutiritucar,  and  more  fully  San  Juan 
Capistrano  de  Uturituc  or  Utilltuc.  The  saint  named  was  Gio- 
vanni di  Capistrano  or  Johannes  Capistranus,  a  Franciscan 
monk,  b.  in  the  Abruzzi,  Italy,  June  24,  1386,  d.  at  Illock  in 
Slavonia,  Oct.  23,  1456,  and  canonized  1690.  Oct.  31  is  his  day. 
He  wrote  a  book  called  Speculum  Conscientiae,  crusaded  in 
1443  under  Pope  Nicholas  V.  in  Hungary  and  Bohemia  against 
Hussites,  and  he  also  in  1456  led  an  army  of  crusaders  to  the 
relief  of  Belgrade,  besieged  by  Mohammed  II.  A  mission  in 
California  took  his  name  Nov.  1,  1776,  and  still  bears  it. 

'  This  is  not  to  be  taken  as  the  population  of  the  place.  Anza 
puts  the  figures  at  300.  There  were  doubtless  a  good  many 
natives  from  other  settlements  gathered  there  to  see  the  whites, 
whose  great  medicine  were  the  crucifix,  a  cloth  with  Holy 
Mary  on  one  side  and  a  lost  soul  on  the  other,  a  breviary  that 


RECEPTION    BY    THE    PIMAS.  IO3 

drawn  up  in  two  ranks.  They  had  built  a  large 
bower  (ramada)  3  in  which  to  entertain  us,  in  front 
of  which  had  they  set  up  a  cross.  Soon  as  we  dis- 
mounted they  passed  from  one  to  another  to  kiss  our 
hand,4  and  saluted  us  in  the  name  of  God,  as  do  all 
the  other  Christian  Pimas.  Since  whenever  [i.  c,  in 
1768,  1770,  1 77 1,  1774]  I  have  been  among  these 
poor  gentiles  they  have  received  me  with  equal  kind- 
ness, I  have  felt  deep  grief  to  find  that  I  could 
not  gratify  such  great  desire  as  they  manifested  to 
become  Christians;  but  on  this  occasion  particular 
was  my  pain  to  see  so  many  people  unite  in  begging 
us  to  remain  here  to  baptize  them,  who  in  plenitude 
of  affability  and  mode   of  living  together  in   their 

told  how  such  medicine  operated,  and  a  magic  compass-needle 
that  showed  the  Spaniards  where  to  go. 

1  Ramada,  for  enramada,  to  translate  which  "  bower  "  may  seem 
like  taking  poetic  license  with  such  a  prosaic  affair  as  was  the 
sort  of  hut  or  shed  which  the  Indians  built  with  branches  of 
trees  to  accommodate  their  guests.  Another  local  name  of 
such  a  structure  is  wickiup. 

4  It  is  extremely  doubtful  if  the  natives  actually  kissed  the 
hands  of  the  Spaniards;  more  probably,  as  a  greeting  of  friend- 
ship inspired  by  religious  fervor,  the  Indian  grasped  the  hand 
of  the  priest,  drew  it  toward  his  own  mouth,  inhaled  from  it 
the  "  breath  of  life,"  and  then  passed  the  clasped  hands  toward 
the  mouth  of  the  Spaniard,  who  was  supposed  to  do  the  same. 
This  custom,  which  is  still  common  among  the  Zunis  at  least, 
may  be  regarded  rather  as  a  religious  greeting  than  as  a  mere 
gesture  of  courtesy. — F.  W.  H. 


104  PIMA   POSSESSIONS. 

pueblo  surpass  all  others  of  their  nation;  as  it  does 
not  appear  that  the  time  has  come  to  gather  these 
sheep  (ovejas)  into  the  fold  of  the  church.  May  God 
do  that  which  may  be  to  his  greater  pleasure!  They 
waited  upon  us  and  were  obsequious  to  the  whole 
expedition.  They  possess  flocks  (ganado  metwr) 6 
very  like  those  of  Moqui,  or  much  the  same,  as  I 
will  tell  in  the  final  reflections  on  the  Diary.  They 
have  poultry  (gaUinas)  e  and  horses,  some  of  which 
they  bartered  (cambalacharon)  with  the  soldiers  for 
red  baize  (bayeta).7    They  brought  water  for  the  party 


1  Ganado  menor — literally  "  minor  stock,"  i.  e.,  sheep,  goats,  or 
donkeys,  as  distinguished  from  ganado  mayor,  cattle  or  mules, 
ganado  de  cerdo,  swine,  etc. 

'  "  A  few  chickens  and  dogs  were  seen  [among  the  Pimas], 
but  no  other  domestic  animals,  except  horses,  mules,  and  oxen." 
(Emory's  Reconn.,  p.  85.)  All  of  these  were  obtained  originally 
from  the  Spaniards.  The  neighboring  Maricopas  had  a  few 
ducks.— F.  W.  H. 

'  Bayeta  is  a  bright  scarlet  woolen  cloth  with  a  long  nap, 
which  was  originally  manufactured  in  Spain,  imported  into 
Mexico,  and  thus  found  its  way  among  the  southwestern  In- 
dians until  it  became  an  article  of  commerce  in  eastern 
United  States.  Formerly  the  Navaho  and  Pueblo  Indians  un- 
raveled the  bayeta  and  used  the  weft  in  the  manufacture  of  their 
finest  blankets;  but  the  introduction  of  cheaper  yarns  and  the 
more  common  use  of  the  native  wool  have  practically  put  an 
end  to  the  use  of  this  material.  The  Pimas  used  it  for  making 
blankets  worn  by  both  men  and  women.  The  only  textiles 
manufactured   by  these   Indians  at  present  are  baskets,   splen- 


PIMA    SPINNING    AND    WEAVING.  IO5 

to  drink,  and  served  us  in  all  respects  as  well  as  the 
most  faithful  Christian  vassals  of  the  king  could  have 

didly  made  and  well  decorated  by  interweaving  ingenious  frets 
in  black.— F.  W.  H. 

Regarding  spinning  and  weaving  cotton,  the  Rudo  Ensayo 
says,  p.  185:  "  In  these  things  they  take  a  pride  and  a  pleasure, 
while  the  Pimas  of  the  mountains  make  their  women  work  in 
the  fields,  and  they  themselves  spin  and  weave,  although  this 
is  a  woman's  trade.  With  the  instruments  that  these  women 
employ,  the  be"st  weavers  in  the  world  could  not  do  better.  They 
weave  however  with  a  kind  cf  rude  beauty.  Their  spun  cotton 
is  a  good  but  rough  imitation  of  the  table  cloths  and  napkins 
made  in  Germany,  which  on  this  account  are  called  Alemanis- 
cas.  They  also  imitate  ticking  and  any  other  thing  they  see, 
provided  they  are  allowed  to  undo  the  warp  of  the  model." 

The  primitive  loom  of  the  Pimas  is  thus  described  by  Emory, 
Reconn.  of  1846-47,  Ex.  Doc.  No.  41,  1848,  p.  85:  "A  woman 
was  seated  on  the  ground  under  the  shade  of  one  of  the  cotton 
sheds.  Her  left  leg  was  tucked  under  her  seat  and  her  foot 
turned  sole  upwards;  between  her  big  toe  and  the  next  was  a 
spindle  about  18  inches  long,  with  a  single  fly  of  four  or  six 
inches.  Ever  and  anon  she  gave  it  a  twist  in  a  dexterous  man- 
ner, and  at  its  end  was  drawn  a  coarse  cotton  thread.  This 
was  their  spinning  jenny.  Led  on  by  this  primitive  display,  I 
asked  for  their  loom  by  pointing  to  the  thread  and  then  to  the 
blanket  girded  about  the  woman's  loins.  A  fellow  stretched  in 
the  dust  sunning  himself,  rose  up  leisurely  and  untied  a  bundle 
which  I  had  supposed  to  be  a  bow  and  arrow.  This  little  pack- 
age, with  four  stakes  in  the  ground,  was  the  loom.  He 
stretched  his  cloth  and  commenced  the  process  of  weaving." 

A  fuller  account  of  the  Pima  loom,  with  figure  of  an  Indian 
in  the  act  of  weaving,  occupies  pp.  225,  226  of  vol.  ii  of  Bart- 
lett's  Narrative:  "The  implements  used  by  these  tribes  for 
spinning  and  weaving  are  of  the  most  primitive  character.     A 


106  ENCARNACION    DEL    SUTAQUISON. 

done.  They  were  given  tobacco  and  glass  beads 
(abalorio).6 

Nov.  2.  After  the  3  padres  had  celebrated  nine 
masses,  which  some  Indians  attended,  we  traveled  4 
leagues  west  \  northwest,  and  halted  on  the  bank  of 
the  Rio  Gila  near  the  pueblo  called  La  Encarnacion 
del  Sutaquison.9 

slender  stick  about  two  feet  long  passing  through  a  block  of 
wood  which  serves  to  keep  up  the  momentum  imparted  to  it, 
constitutes  the  spindle.  One  end  of  this  rests  on  a  wooden  cup 
inserted  between  the  toes,  and  the  other  is  held  and  twirled  by 
the  fingers  of  the  right  hand;  while  the  left  hand  is  occupied  in 
drawing  out  the  thread  from  the  supply  of  cotton,  which  is 
coiled  upon  the  left  arm  in  loose  rolls.  In  weaving,  the  warp 
is  attached  to  two  sticks,  and  stretched  upon  the  ground  by 
means  of  stakes.  Each  alternate  thread  of  the  warp  is  passed 
round  a  piece  of  cane,  which,  being  lifted,  opens  a  passage  for 
the  shuttle  in  the  manner  of  a  sley.  The  operator  sits  in  the 
fashion  of  a  tailor,  and,  raising  the  sley  with  one  hand,  with  the 
other  passes  the  shuttle,  which  is  simply  a  pointed  stick  with 
the  thread  wound  upon  it,  between  the  threads  of  the  warp. 
The  work  is  beaten  up  after  the  passage  of  each  thread  by  the 
use  of  a  sharp  smooth-edged  instrument  made  of  hard  wood.  .  . 
The  weaving  is  generally  done  by  the  old  men." 

*  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  these  beads  differed 
greatly  from  those  which  the  Pimas  still  wear  in  profusion  as 
necklaces  and  ear-pendants.  They  are  usually  ordinary  Vene- 
tian glass  beads,  turquoise  blue  in  color,  although  other  tints 
are  also  employed.  A  blue  bead  of  this  description  was  found 
in  the  ruin  of  Halona,  at  Zuni,  one  of  the  Seven  Cities  of 
Cibola,  which  was  abandoned  about  1680. — F.  W.  H. 

'  For  the  name,  see  a  previous  note.     Bartlett,  ii,  p.  268,  quot- 


PIMA   AGRICULTURE.  107 

There  came  forth  to  receive  us  the  Indians  of  the 
pueblo  with  demonstrations  of  much  joy,  and  me- 
thought  that  they  might  be  about  500  souls.  In  all 
these  pueblos  they  raise  large  crops  of  wheat,  some 
of  corn  {maiz),  cotton,  calabashes,  etc.,  to  which  end 
they  have  constructed  good  acequias,10  surrounding 

ing  Font's  Journal  for  Nov.  1  and  2,  gives  the  name  as  Sutagui- 
son;  but  the  q  is  plain  in  Font's  handwriting  before  me.  The 
Rudo  Ensayo,  1762,  Engl,  trans.  1894,  p.  129,  speaks  of  two  im- 
portant Pima  rancherias  on  opposite  sides  of  the  river,  one  called 
Tusonimo,  and  "  the  other,  Sudacson  or  the  Incarnation,  where 
the  principal  of  their  chiefs,  called  Tavanimo,  lived  " — besides  a 
third  further  down,  Santa  Theresa  (sic),  at  a  copious  spring  of 
water.  I  do  not  think  Sutaquison  can  be  exactly  located  now, 
especially  as  different  itineraries  of  this  trip  give  the  distance 
from  the  last  place  as  either  2  or  4  leagues.  But  we  cannot  be 
much  out  of  the  way  if  we  set  Sutaquison  on  the  Gila  not  far 
from  the  place  now  called  Sweetwater,  the  settlement  next  below 
Sacaton.  It  may,  however,  have  been  a  little  further  along,  near 
the  place  now  known  as  Store. 

10  It  would  take  us  too  far  to  go  into  the  matter  of  Pima  agri- 
culture by  means  of  irrigating  canals — the  acequias  of  the  text: 
see  Hodge's  Prehistoric  Irrigation  in  Arizona,  Amer.  Anthrop. 
vi,  pp.  323-330,  July,  1893.  The  Rudo  Ensayo  has  a  misleading 
statement,  p.  128:  "Their  irrigating  canals,  leading  from  the 
river  and  some  springs,  are  well  planned,  the  Indians  undoubt- 
edly having  been  taught  how  to  build  them  by  Father  Kino  and 
other  missionary  fathers  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  in  their  apos- 
tolic visits  made  from  1694  to  1751  "!  This  is  loyal  faith,  but  not 
fact;  for  ages  before  any  white  man  entered  Arizona  immense 
acequias  had  been  constructed  by  the  builders  of  Casa  Grande 
or  their  ancestors — works   comparable   in   magnitude   and   effi- 


108  PIMA   DRESS. 

the  fields  (milpas)  in  one  circuit  common  (to  all),  and 
divided  (are)  those  of  different  owners  by  particular 
circuits.  Go  dressed  do  these  Indians  in  blankets  of 
cotton  (fresadas  de  algodon)  "  which  they  fabricate, 
and  others  of  wool,  either  of  their  own  sheep  or  ob- 
tained from  Moqui.     Not  is  this  portion  of  the  river 

ciency  to  the  greatest  of  the  present-day  irrigating  systems, 
which  have  altered  the  whole  hydrography  of  the  Gila-Salado- 
Verde  water-shed — some  of  these  modern  ditches  utilizing  por- 
tions of  the  prehistoric  ones!  But  the  Rudo  Ensayo  is  about 
right  in  saying,  /.  c. :  "  Between  these  Casas  Grandes,  the  Pimas, 
called  Gilenos,  inhabit  both  banks  of  the  river  Gila,  occupying 
ranches  for  ten  leagues  further  down,  which  as  well  as  some 
islands  are  fruitful  and  suitable  for  wheat,  Indian  corn,  etc.  So 
much  cotton  is  raised  and  so  wanting  in  covetousness  is  the 
husbandman,  that,  after  the  crop  is  gathered  in,  more  remains 
in  the  fields,  than  is  to  be  had  for  a  harvest  here  in  Sonora — 
this  upon  the  authority  of  a  missionary  father  who  saw  it  with 
his  own  eyes  in  the  year  1757."  The  Moquis  were  noted  for 
their  cotton  and  weaving  from  the  earliest  times  of  which  we 
have  Spanish  records  (1540). 

"  The  dress  of  the  men  consisted  of  a  cotton  serape  [fre- 
sada,  blanket]  of  domestic  manufacture,  and  a  breech  cloth  .  .  . 
The  women  wore  nothing  but  the  serape  pinned  about  the  loins, 
etc.,"  Emory,  Reconn.  1848,  p.  84.  The  same  styles  of  garments 
were  worn  until  very  recently,  when  town  ordinances  prevented 
the  entrance  into  white  settlements  of  Indians  only  partially 
clad.  The  men  are  now  adorned  with  overalls,  the  women  with 
calico  skirts  to  or  below  the  knees  and  a  camisa  or  chemisette 
hanging  loosely  somewhat  below  the  waist.  Pimas  still  some- 
times wear  sandals  with  soles  of  rawhide,  but  not  moccasins. — 
F.  W.  H. 


LAS    LACUNAS   DEL    HOSPITAL.  IO9 

abounding  in  pasturage  (de  pastos),  but  in  this  last 
pueblo  called  Sutaquison  there  is  abundance,  even  to 
maintain  a  presidio,  as  has  reported  Sefior  Capitan 
Don  Bernardo  de  Vrrea,12  having  passed  personally 
to  inspect  the  situations  most  fit  for  founding  mis- 
sions. In  this  Pueblo  de  Sutaquison  and  in  San  Juan 
Capistrano  I  manifested  to  the  Indians  the  image  of 
Maria  SSma  and  that  of  the  damned,  and  explained 
them  in  their  language,  which  is  the  same  as  that  of 
my  pueblo  (de  San  Xavier  del  Bac). 

Nov.  j.  Padre  Font  and  I  went  from  the  place 
where  we  had  camped  to  the  Pueblo  de  Sutaquison, 
to  distribute  tobacco  and  glass  beads.  We  returned 
to  camp,  and  having  gone  2  leagues  northwest  ar- 
rived at  some  pools  of  bad  water,  where  some  of  our 
party  were  made  sick,  and  for  that  were  they  called 
Las  Lagunas  del  Hospital.13     To  the  west  of  these 

u  I  have  failed  to  trace  the  officer  of  whom  Garces  speaks, 
and  the  only  mention  of  a  contemporary  Bernardo  de  Urrea  I 
have  happened  upon  is  in  Bancroft,  North  Mex.  States,  i,  p. 
569,  who  speaks  of  one  of  that  name  as  a  colonel  on  duty  at 
Altar,  Mar.  32.  1767,  citing  Cancio,  Cartas,  1881-83,  regarding 
operations  at  Guaymas.     See  chap,  v,  note  2,  Jan.  3,  beyond. 

"The  Hospital  lagoons  are  hardly  identifiable  with  requi- 
site precision  by  the  data  the  text  affords,  but  I  cannot  doubt 
that  they  are  the  place  well  known  since  the  American  occu- 
pancy as  Maricopa  Wells,  six  miles  west  of  Sacaton  station  on 
the  Maricopa  and  Phoenix  railroad.  Observe  that  "  lagunas  " 
and  "  wells  "  are  both  plural— the  only  case  of  the  kind  here- 
abouts. 


HO  SIERRA    DE    ESTRELLA. 

lagunas  is  the  Sierra  de  San  Joseph  de  Cumars,14 
which  ends  on  the  Gila  close  to  (junto)  the  place 
where  this  river  is  united  with  the  Rio  de  la  Asump- 
cion.11     This   river   is   much   larger   than   the   Gila, 

This  is  as  far  down  the  Gila  as  Garces  goes  before  striking 
across  country  to  cut  off  the  Great  Bend.  But  there  is  one  old 
name  of  a  place  to  be  identified  in  this  vicinity,  if  possible. 
This  is  the  San  Andres  of  Kino,  more  fully  San  Andres  Coata. 
As  early  as  1694,  according  to  the  Apost.  Afan.,  p.  253,  Kino 
visited  and  named  both  Encarnacion  (Sutaquison)  and  San 
Andres,  the  latter  being  given  as  4  leagues  below  the  former, 
both  being  Piman  rancherias.  Again,  in  1699,  coming  up  the 
Gila,  Kino  is  said  by  the  same  authority,  p.  276,  to  have  dis- 
covered a  Rio  Azul,  before  reaching  his  San  Andres,  which  was 
therefore  above  the  mouth  of  Salt  river,  these  two  names  being 
of  the  same  river.  Unfortunately,  the  distance  of  San  Andres 
above  Salt  river  is  uncertain,  as  the  various  indications  we  have 
are  vague  or  discrepant;  but  I  think  it  was  near  Maricopa 
Wells,  if  not  at  that  very  spot;  in  which  latter  contingency,  it 
would  be  identical  with  Garces'  Lagunas  del  Hospital.  Garces 
found  nothing  here;  and  on  Nov.  28,  beyond,  where  he  first 
speaks  of  San  Andres,  he  says  that  it  was  then  depopulated. 

14  These  mountains,  designated  by  the  curiously  mongrel 
name  San  Joseph  de  Cumars,  are  the  Sierra  de  Estrella,  or 
Estrella  or  Star  range,  sometimes  lettered  Santa  Estrella  mts., 
extending  some  20  m.  about  N.  W.  and  S.  E.,  parallel  with  the 
Gila,  on  its  left  side,  and  for  the  most  part  above  the  confluence 
of  Salt  river,  near  which  the  mts.  end,  as  text  says.  There  is  a 
similar  range  across  the  Gila,  running  down  to  the  point  be- 
tween this  and  Salt  river.  Font  on  the  8th  applies  the  name 
Sierra  de  Comars  to  the  Maricopa  Divide:  see  beyond, 
note  '*. 

15  Or  Rio  de  la  Asuncion;  present  Rio  Salado  or  Salt  river, 


CUTTING  OFF  THE  GREAT  BEND.        Ill 

which  becomes  very  much  (muchisimo)  swollen  in  the 
summer  by  reason  of  the  snows  that  there  are  in  the 
sierras  in  which  it  rises  and  through  which  it  flows, 
of  which  I  will  speak  at  the  conclusion  of  the  Diary. 
This  position  is  found  in  330  14'  30".  Here  we  re- 
mained the  4th,  5th,  and  6th  days.16 

Nov.  J.  We  departed  from  Las  Lagunas  (del  Hos- 
pital); and  having  gone  6  leagues — 1  southwest,  2 
westsouthwest,   3   west — we   halted   in   an   arroyo 17 

the  main  branch  of  the  Gila:  see  a  note  beyond,  at  date  of 
Nov.  28. 

ie  We  are  elsewhere  told  that  the  detention  of  three  days  was 
caused  by  the  sickness  of  a  woman.  Font  gives  all  the  particu- 
lars, and  various  things  happened.  On  the  4th,  it  being  the  day 
of  San  Carlos,  and  so  of  the  King  of  Spain,  Font  and  Eixarch 
said  mass  "  with  all  possible  solemnity,"  and  Garces  sang. 
When  they  were  ready  to  march  the  woman  was  too  sick.  Then 
the  senor  comandante  gave  the  troops  a  treat,  which  amounted 
to  a  pint  of  aguardiente  apiece,  with  which  they  had  a  bigger 
drunk  than  usual  (una  borrachera  mas  que  mediana),  and  some  of 
them  kept  up  the  spree  two  days.  On  the  5th  and  6th  there 
was  more  sickness,  apparently  colic.  Font  was  taken  down 
with  tertian  ague,  which  he  did  not  throw  off  till  he  had  crossed 
the  Colorado.  The  morning  of  the  6th,  after  mass,  he  passed 
in  the  tent  of  the  commanding  officer,  drawing  for  him  a  plan 
of  Casa  Grande  which  Anza  had  desired.  This  was  before 
he  had  had  a  chance  to  breakfast,  and  what  with  the  heat  of  the 
tent  on  an  empty  stomach  he  presently  fell  sick  with  the  chill 
of  the  fever  (el  frio  de  la  calentura). 

17  Arroyo  is  the  most  general  name  of  a  gully  or  gulch,  less 
precipitous  than  the  barranca,  gorge  or  ravine,  much  less  so 
than  the  cajon,  caxon,   or  canon.     An   arroyo   is  generally  the 


112  ARROYO    SECO    OR    DRY    WASH. 

without  water.     In  all  these  6  leagues  there  is  good 
pasturage,  though  no  water. 

dry  bed  of  a  possible  water-course,  like  a  ivady  in  Arabian 
countries,  a  nullah  in  Indian,  a  flume  in  Italian,  etc.  This  is 
familiarly  styled  a  "  wash  "  in  our  West  and  especially  South- 
west. In  fact,  the  arroyo  sin  agua  of  the  text,  oftener  called 
arroyo  seco  or  dry  arroyo,  is  the  one  marked  Dry  Wash  on 
some  of  our  modern  maps,  though  not  shown  at  all  on  others; 
it  makes  northward  with  some  westing  into  the  Gila,  5  or  6  m. 
above  the  place  where  the  similar  dry  wash  of  the  Hassayampa 
river  comes  to  the  Gila  in  the  opposite  direction,  from  the  N. 
Having  left  Maricopa  Wells  and  cotoyed  or  flanked  the  Estrella 
range  already  mentioned,  Garces  has  come  little  S.  of  W.  along 
the  old  emigrant  road  to  the  Dry  Wash,  where  he  camps  on  the 
spot  called  Chimney  and  so  marked  on  some  modern  maps 
(not  shown  on  the  latest  G.  L.  O.  map).  The  day's  march, 
which  takes  Garces  out  of  Pima  into  Maricopa  county,  is  for 
the  most  part  parallel  with  and  a  little  north  of  the  S.  P.  R.  R., 
ending  not  far  from  Montezuma  station.  This  road  cuts  off  the 
whole  of  the  Great  Bend  of  the  Gila,  passing  directly  westward, 
with  considerable  inclination  southward,  from  Maricopa  Wells 
to  the  place  on  the  Gila  known  as  Gila  Bend.  In  the  bight  of 
the  bend,  south  of  the  river,  are  the  Estrella  range  on  the  E., 
then  the  above  described  Dry  Wash,  in  the  middle,  and  next  on 
the  west  the  Maricopa  range  or  divide,  which  Garces  will  cross 
to-morrow.  In  the  course  of  its  bend  the  Gila  receives  Salt 
river  at  the  N.  W.  corner  of  the  Gila  river  reservation — a  point 
where  the  Gila  and  Salt  River  meridian  crosses  the  base  line 
of  official  Land  Office  surveys.  Three  miles  below  this  point  is 
the  confluence  of  Agua  Fria  river — or  was.  before  the  Agua 
Fria  W.  &  L.  Co.  canal  carried  off  the  water  westward.  From 
the  Salt  river  junction  the  Estrella  canal  meanders  the  whole 
bight  of  the  Great  Bend;  and  the  lower  part  of  the  Bend.  S.  of 


SAN    SIMON    Y    JUDAS.  113 

Nov.  8.  We  marched  9  leagues — 2  westsouthwest, 
1  west,  in  order  to  pass  through  a  gap  in  a  sierra,18 
and  the  rest  westsouthwest  with  some  inclination  to 
the  west — and  arrived  at  the  Pueblo  de  los  Santos 
Apostoles  San  Simon  y  Judas19  of  the  Opa  nation, 

the  Hassayampa  river  and  \V.  of  the  Maricopa  divide,  is  also 
meandered  by  the  Gila  Bend  and  Noonan  canals. 

Font  has  much  description  of  the  Pimas  at  this  date,  and 
among  other  things  a  new  name.  Speaking  of  the  adaptability 
of  these  Indians  to  missionary  purposes,  because  they  live  in 
regular  towns,  he  states  that  within  an  extent  of  some  six 
leagues  along  the  Gila  there  were  five  pueblos — the  four  above 
?aid  on  this  side,  and  on  the  other  one  which  Garces  had  called 
San  Serafino  de  Nabcub,  after  Kino.  See  Venegas'  map,  i, 
1759,  for  San  Serafin,  and  diaries  quoted  in  Bancroft's  Ariz,  and 
N.  M.,  pp.  359,  360,  385,  392,  where  appear  the  terms  Guactum, 
S.  Serafin,  S.  Serapin  Actum,  and  S.  Serafino  del  Napcub — all 
apparently  synonymous. 

J"  Sierra  Maricopa,  the  Maricopa  range  or  divide  already  men- 
tioned, intervening  between  the  Dry  Wash  and  that  portion  of 
the  Great  Bend  of  the  Gila  which  flows  on  a  mean  course  due  S. 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Hassayampa  to  the  place  called  Great 
Bend,  a  direct  distance  of  about  24  m. — more  by  the  sinuosity 
of  the  stream.  Garces  passes  the  divide  by  the  regular  old 
road  through  the  gap  or  puerto  he  mentions,  elsewhere  called 
Puerto  de  los  Cocomaricopas,  a  little  north  of  the  place  where 
the  railroad  now  goes  through.  Across  the  Gila  at  a  distance 
are  the  Gila  Bend  mts.  and  mesa.  Font  at  this  date  speaks  of 
going  through  the  gap  in  the  range  "  which  is  the  Sierra  de 
Comars." 

"  San  Simon  y  San  Judas  had  previously  been  visited  by  Anza 
and  Garces  (1774),  by  whom  it  was  probably  given  this  saint 
name.     The  Maricopas  called  it  Upasoitac   (Opasoitac,   Opar- 


114  AMONG    THE    COCOMARICOPAS. 

or  Cocomaricopa,20  which  is  the  same,  who  received 

soitac,  Uparsoitac),  a  name  of  unknown  meaning.  It  will  be 
observed  that  this  is  the  first  settlement  of  the  Maricopa  en- 
countered by  the  Spaniards  coming  from  the  eastward,  which 
definitely  fixes  the  limits  of  the  tribe  in  that  direction  at  the 
date  given  (1775).  There  was  another  San  Simon  y  San  Judas 
rancheria  (probably  Papago)  situated  in  Sonora  between  the 
missions  of  Cocospera  and  Busanic,  which  Kino  visited  and  so 
named  in  1700.  The  San  Simon  y  San  Judas  of  Anza  is  sus- 
picously  identical  with  the  San  Simon  de  Tuesani  of  Kino  and 
Mange. — F.  W.  H. 

The  village  of  the  Holy  Apostles  Sts.  Simon  and  Jude — 
characters  who  probably  need  no  introduction  to  my  Christian 
readers,  though  nobody  has  succeeded  in  establishing  their  re- 
spective identities — corresponds  to  the  place  at  the  elbow  of  the 
river  called  Gila  Bend; -railroad  station  of  this  name  near  there, 
and  also  the  Gila  Bend  Indian  reservation,  six  miles  square  (tp. 
5  S.,  range  5  W.,  Executive  Order  of  Dec.  12,  1882).  Garces 
strikes  the  river  on  lat.  330  N.,  at  the  E.  border  of  this  reserva- 
tion, after  a  march  of  about  26  m.  The  extensive  and  high- 
flown  name  of  the  place  he  uses  may  have  been  originally  im- 
posed by  Father  Kino  during  one  of  his  Arizona  entradas;  but 
it  does  not  appear  on  his  map  of  1701,  though  there  is  a  "  S. 
Simon  Tuesani,"  perhaps  the  same  place:  see  also  "  S.  Simon  de 
Tuesani  "  on  Venegas'  map  of  1757,  and  "  S.  Simeon  de  Tue- 
sani "  on  the  Kino  map  in  Stocklein's  Neue  Welt-Bott.  It  is  to 
be  distinguished  from  a  better  known  San  Simon  y  Judas  post  in 
Sonora.  It  is  given  beyond  (Nov.  28)  by  Garces  as  Vparsoytac, 
and  appears  in  the  Anza-Font  itineraries  of  this  trip  as  S.  Simon 
y  Judas  de  Opasoitac  (or  Uparsoitac)  and  also  Posociom.  It 
is  the  spot  marked  "  27  "  on  Font's  map  of  the  route. 

20  The  Opa,  or  Cocomaricopa,  or  Maricopa,  tribe  belongs 
to  the  Yuman  stock  and  therefore  speaks  a  language  totally  dis- 
tinct from  that  of  the  Pima.     The  Pima  name  of  the  Maricopa 


COCOMARICOPAS.  I  15 

us  with  great  joy.     There  gathered  in  this  pueblo  to 

tribe,  Awp-pa-pa,  (aw/>  =  "  enemy,"  the  Pima  name  of  the 
Apache)  would  seem  to  signify  that  the  Yuman  and  Piman 
tribes  were  not  always  so  friendly  as  they  have  been  during  late 
historic  times,  and  indeed,  farther  on,  Garces  notes  the  fact  that 
the  Pima  and  Maricopa  were  not  on  amicable  terms  with  the 
Yuman  tribes  to  the  west  and  north.  It  is  stated  that  the 
Maricopa  is  a  direct  offshoot  from  the  Cuchan  or  Yuma,  and 
that  they  separated  from  the  latter  owing  to  a  difficulty  arising 
from  an  election  of  chiefs,  establishing  their  settlements  some- 
what farther  up  the  Gila,  the  Yuma  or  Cuchan  being  settled 
about  its  mouth  and  on  the  lower  Colorado.  The  Maricopa 
appear  to  have  trended  gradually  eastward  up  the  Gila  until 
they  came  in  contact  with  their  old  enemies  the  Pima,  with 
whom  they  then  formed  a  lasting  friendship.  According  to 
Bartlett  this  occurred  about  1822,  but  from  Garces  it  is 
learned  that  the  Maricopa  as  early  as  1775  occupied  San 
Simon  y  Judas,  at  Gila  Bend:  see  note  3l.  Like  the  Pimas 
they  are  agriculturists,  and  in  all  their  general  habits  and 
customs  the  Maricopas  and  Pimas  are  similar.  The  two 
tribes  have  extensively  intermarried,  although  they  speak 
two  entirely  different  languages.  There  are  about  340 
Maricopas  under  the  Pima  agency  in  southern  Arizona. 
The  Maricopas  call  themselves  Pipatsje,  meaning  "people"; 
their  Yavapai  (Yuman)  name  is  Atchihwa.  Other  forms  of 
their  Piman  name  occurring  in  literature  are  Cocamaricopa, 
Comari,  Cocomarecopper,  Cocomarisepa,  Cocomiracopa,  Co- 
komaricopa,  Comaniopa.  Comaricopa,  Coro  Marikopa,  Mapi- 
copa,  Maracopa,  Marecopa,  Miracope,  etc. — F.  W.  H. 

After  speaking  of  some  ranches  of  these  people  on  the  Gila, 
the  author  of  Rudo  Ensayo  says,  p.  129:  "  The  other  ranches, 
well  known  on  the  South,  are  Stucabitic,  Ojia-taibues,  Uparch, 
Tuquisan,  and  Sudacsasaba;  and,  on  the  other  side  Tucsasic, 
and  some  others  less  well  known— all  possessing  very  rich  soil. 


Il6  COCOMARICOPAS. 

see  us  some  10  hundred  21  souls,  and  they  were  given 
tobacco  and  glass  beads.  Here  the  Indians  raise 
all  sorts  of  grain  (semillas),  and  regularly  two  crops 
each  year,  whether  the  season  be  good  or  bad; 
but  apparently  (segun  vimos — according  to  what  we 
saw)  an  acequia  can  be  brought  from  the  river,28 
which,  as  it  already  has  been  joined  by  the  Rio  de  la 
Asumpcion,  always  carries  much  water.  These  In- 
dians go  clothed  much  like  (casi  como)  the  Pimas 
Gilenos,  of  whom  they  are  very  good  friends  and 
companions  in  the  campaigns  that  the  one  and  the 
other  make  against  the  Yabipais  Tejua,  of  whom  I 
will  speak  beyond.  Having  shown  them  the  Virgin 
and  the  lost  soul,  I  preached  through  an  interpreter, 
because  theij  language  is  not  Pima,  but  Yuma.  I 
asked  them  if  they  wished  with  all  their  heart  to  be 
Christians  and  to  admit  the  padres  in  their  land,  and 
they  replied  very  cheerfully,  "  Yes."  Here  we  re- 
mained the  9th  and  10th  days. 

From  Tumac,  the  most  remote  ranche  of  this  nation,  one  does 
not  encounter  any  more  towns  for  forty  leagues  until  this  river 
[Gila]  unites  with  the  Colorado." 

n  The  MS.  has  a  peculiar  way  of  giving  this  number,  1000: 
it  is  a  10.  (with  a  dot  after  it)  and  the  circle  of  the  cipher  opened 
on  top,  making  it  look  like  a  bad  6. 

a  Not  only  one,  but  three  large  acequias  concentrically 
flow  past  now— the  Estrella,  the  Gila  Bend,  and  the  Noonan 
canals. 


SAN    DIEGO — ARITOAC.  1 17 

Nov.  II.  We  went  about  2  leagues  west,  and  ar- 
rived at  a  rancheria  of  Opas  Indians  which  was  near 
the  river.23 

Nov.  12.  After  going  5  leagues  we  arrived  at  ran- 
cherias  of  the  same  nation  which  were  near  the  river 
and  which  we  called  (Rancherias  de)  San  Diego; 24 
the  course  was  west  \  northwest. 

Nov.  IS-  Having  gone  4  leagues  west  \  southwest 
we  arrived  at  a  place  called  Aritoac,25  having  crossed 
the  river  a  little  above  this  locality. 

"One  itinerary  says  iJ/2  league,  and  calls  the  place  San  Mar- 
tin rancheria;  Font  says  two  leagues  short,  and  has  no  name. 
The  place  was  probably  within  the  reservation  or  township  last 
said,  about  its  W.  border,  very  likely  on  the  spot  marked  Cot- 
terrell's  on  some  maps.     The  place  is  Font's  camp  mark  "  28." 

"One  itinerary  says  4  leagues  only;  Font  gives  same  name  of 
San  Diego,  whose  day  is  Nov.  12.  The  term  was  first  applied 
on  this  occasion.  Four  or  five  leagues,  following  the  river, 
should  bring  Garces  into  the  township  of  range  7  W.;  but  there 
is  nothing  to  identify  the  spot,  unless,  very  likely,  it  was  Ken- 
yon's.  In  this  vicinity  are  the  celebrated  Piedras  Pintadas  or 
Painted  Rocks,  covered  with  native  petroglyphs,  and  for  this 
reason  also  called  Piedras  Escritas.  They  have  been  known 
since  1744  at  least.  Three  plates  of  the  petroglyphs  illustrate 
Bartlett's  Nam,  ii,  opp,  p.  196,  and  three  others  opp.  p.  206. 

26  If  we  adjust  the  last  two  days'  marches  by  Cotterrell's  and 
Kenyon's  respectively — both  likely  camping-places,  and  quite 
agreeable  with  the  designated  "  leaguage "  (or  mileage) — we 
are  brought  to-day  exactly  to  the  most  notorious  spot  on  this 
portion  of  the  Gila — no  other  than  Oatman's  Flat,  sad  scene  of 
the  massacre  of  Feb.  18,   (or  in  March)   1851,  when  Roys  (or 


Il8  OATMAN'S    FLAT AGUA    CALIENTE. 

Nov.   14.     Having  traveled  4  leagues  westsouth- 
west  we  arrived  at  the  Agua  Caliente.28     Immedi- 

Royse)  Oatman,  his  wife,  and  four  of  his  seven  children  were 
murdered,  probably  by  Apaches,  a  son  Lorenzo  was  left  for 
dead,  and  two  daughters,  Olive  and  Mary  Ann,  were  carried  off 
captives.  They  were  emigrants  who  had  left  Missouri  in  Aug., 
1850,  and  were  then  traveling  alone.  Lorenzo  recovered;  the 
younger  girl,  aged  10,  died  in  1852;  Olive,  aged  16,  was  sold  to 
the  Mojaves,  and  ransomed  in  1857;  she  is  said  to  have  died  in 
an  insane  asylum  in  New  York  before  1877.  Almost  all  books 
on  Arizona  treat  of  the  tragedy:  see  especially  that  by  Rev.  R. 
B.  Stratton,  Captivity  of  the  Oatman  Girls,  etc.,  i2mo,  San 
Francisco,  1857,  pp.  231;  21st  thousand,  New  York,  1859,  pp. 
290,  ills.  One  of  the  early  accounts  may  be  read  in  Bartlett's 
Narr.,  ii,  1854,  pp.  203  and  218.  Hinton's  Handb.  Ariz,  has  a  cut 
of  Oatman's  Flat  and  grave  on  p.  174.  Garces  appears  to  have 
crossed  the  river  at  or  near  this  flat,  just  below  which  on  the 
other  side  was  his  Aritoac,  so  named  also  in  Font,  but  called 
Rinconado  in  another  itinerary.  This  is  doubtless  the  same  as 
Aritutoc  of  Father  Jacob  Sedelmair,  Sedelmayr,  or  Sedelmayer, 
who  visited  it  in  1744  on  his  way  down  the  Gila:  see  his  Rela- 
cion,  p.  850.  (His  name  appears  as  Jacobi  Sedalman  in  Hin- 
ton's Handbook,  p.  393;  Sedlemayer  in  Bartlett,  etc.)  The 
crossing  shows  on  Font's  map:  see  mark  "30." 

M  Having  come  from  Aritoac  about  10  m.  down  the  right  bank, 
north  side  of  the  Gila,  to  a  point  at  the  S.  end  of  the  Bighorn 
mts.,  which  here  approach  the  river,  Garces  reaches  a  precisely 
identified  spot,  to  be  found  by  the  Spanish  name  he  uses  on  maps 
of  to-day.  This  Agua  Caliente,  Ojo  Caliente,  or  Hot  Spring  is 
situated  almost  exactly  on  lat.  330  in  the  N.  W.  *4,  or  about  the 
middle  of  the  W.  border,  of  tp.  5  S.,  range  10  W.,  in  the  close 
vicinity  (V/2  m.)  of  King  Woolsey's  ranche.  (He  was  a  famous 
character  in  Arizona  a  generation  ago.  I  knew  him  in  Pres- 
cott  in  1864-65,  when  his  reputation  as  an  Indian  fighter  was 


SAN    BERNARDINO.  I  K) 

ately  in  this  position  are  the  rancherias  called  of  San 
Bernardino,  and  they  are  of  the  same  nation.     There 

great,  especially  after  his  infamous  "  Pinole  treaty,"  in  which 
many  Indians,  invited  unarmed  to  a  feast  and  council,  were 
treacherously  butchered  in  cold  blood.)  The  spring  is  near 
the  point  of  a  hill;  the  Castle  Dome  canal  runs  by  it;  across  the 
river  is  (or  was)  Burke's  ranche,  at  a  place  later  and  now  called 
Alpha.  This  long  noted  spring  seems  to  have  escaped  Father 
Kino;  but  it  has  been  known  since  1744,  when  Sedelmair  speaks 
of  it  unmistakably  as  at  or  near  a  Cocomaricopa  rancheria  he 
called  Dueztumac.  We  hear  of  It  from  him  still  more  explicitly 
on  his  next  entrada,  in  1748,  when  he  came  down  the  Gila  again, 
and  named  the  spring,  as  a  fine  site  for  a  mission,  Santa  Maria 
del  Agua  Caliente. 

Sedelmair's  Dueztumac  appears  to  be  the  same  ran- 
cheria above  called  San  Bernardino;  at  any  rate,  the 
locations  are  practically  identical;  and  all  authors  of  the 
period  agree  that  here  was  the  last  (lowest)  settlement 
of  the  Cocomaricopas.  Thus  the  author  of  the  Rudo 
Ensayo,  writing  in  1762,  says,  p.  129:  "  These  very  nu- 
merous nations  inhabit  both  sides  for  a  distince  of  36  leagues 
down  the  river,  and  at  the  far  end  of  their  territory  there  is  a 
very  abundant  spring  of  hot  water,  a  short  distance  from  the 
river  to  the  north."  Standing  at  any  sufficient  elevation  in  this 
vicinity,  and  looking  N.  W.,  between  the  two  parallel  ranges 
of  the  Bighorn  and  Eagletail  mts.,  which  approach  the  river  on 
S.  E.  courses,  and  are  about  18  miles  apart,  we  see,  at  a  some- 
what greater  distance  from  us,  the  bold  prominences  of  Cathe- 
dral Rock  and  Sentinel  mt.  We  are  also  almost  upon  the  W.  of 
Maricopa  county,  whence  Garces  will  enter  Yuma  county  on 
his  first  move.  A  plate  of  the  Bighorn  range  and  Gila  at  this 
point  faces  p.  198  of  vol.  ii  of  Bartlett's  Narrative. 

Font's  Diary  for  to-day  is  explicit  concerning  Agua  Caliente 


120  GOVERNOR    AND   ALCALDE. 

came  about  200  souls  to  visit  us.  I  showed  them  the 
pictures,  and  preached  to  them,  and  to  the  proposition 
whether  (de  que  si)  they  wished  to  be  baptized  and 
have  padres  in  their  land,  they  answered,  "  Yes." 
]  proposed  to  the  old  men  that  they  join  our  party, 
in  order  that  the  senor  comandante  might  make  in 
the  name  of  the  king  a  governor  and  an  alcalde; 27  to 

and  may  be  cited,  especially  as  the  name  San  Bernardino  is  in 
question:  "  This  place  has  a  grand  spring  of  hot  water,  and 
some  small  springs  of  cold  water,  very  good;  and  there  is  also 
grass,  though  not  much,  and  rather  poor,  as  far  as  the  river, 
distant  from  Agua  caliente  about  two  leagues.  .  .  The  place 
is  open,  with  a  good  outlook,  but  very  inconvenient  for  settle- 
ment. On  leaving  camp  (last  night's)  we  climbed  some  low 
hills  of  black  rocks  heaped  up  as  it  were,  and  of  mal  pais,  until 
we  defended  to  the  river,  and  were  soon  upon  its  borders, 
or  bottomlands,  which  are  very  wide,  and  extend  far  from  it. 
From  the  top  of  the  hills  we  discovered  at  a  great  distance  the 
Sierra  de  la  Cabeza  del  Gigante,  which  the  Indians  call  Bauqui- 
buri."  On  the  15th  Font  stayed,  as  Garces  says.  The  governor 
^nd  alcalde  whom  Anza  made  were  respectively  given  the  names 
Carlos  and  San  Francisco.  After  this  function  was  over,  and  a 
semblance  of  civil  government  thus  set  up,  "  se  intitulo  este 
parage  y  su  govcrmc'wn.  San  Bernardino  del  Agua  Caliente." 
This  fact  should  be  borne  in  mind;  for  Anza,  on  his  return  trip 
of  1774,  applied  the  name  San  Bernardino  to  a  place  four  leagues 
further  down  river,  as  will  be  seen  by  referring  to  my  note  for 
Nov.  16,  on  p.  126. 

'''  An  officer  allied  to  a  mayor,  whose  sole  function  was  to 
direct  the  civil  affairs  of  a  settlement.  As  almost  everything 
pertaining  to  the  affairs  of  the  natives  of  a  village  or  a  tribe, 
however,  were  directed  by  a  religious  priesthood  or  a  society 


GOVERNMENT    OF    THE    INDIANS.  121 

which  responded  one  old  man  very  seriously:  "  Be- 
hold, the  justice  is  to  punish  the  bad;  but  none  of  us 
being  bad,  for  what  is  the  justice?     Already  have  ye 

of  warriors  (whose  function  was  also  religious),  the  civil  offi- 
cers appointed  or  selected  had  little  or  no  power  among  their 
own  people  beyond  the  settlement  of  such  petty  squabbles  and 
the  like  as  would  appear  to  be  below  the  dignity  of  the  heredi- 
tary social  or  religious  priests. — F.  W.  H. 

The  Rudo  Ensayo.  pp.  235,  236,  has  the  following:  "The 
civil  government  of  the  Indian  towns  consists  in  a  Governor 
and  Alcalde,  a  police  officer,  and  an  inferior  minister  of  justice 
[to pile].  The  governor  is  elected  by  the  Indians  themselves, 
the  Ministering  Father  being  present.  By  royal  decrees  ac- 
companying an  order  of  the  Royal  Court  of  Guadalajara,  dated 
September  25,  1786  [read  1746?],  and  a  warrant  of  His  Excel- 
lency the  Lord  Viceroy  D.  Juan  Francisco  de  Guemes  y  Hor- 
casitas,  dated  in  Mexico  on  the  25th  of  November,  1746,  the 
Ministering  Father  guides  the  people  in  this  election,  so  that 
they  may  give  their  votes  to  someone  whose  conduct  of  life 
will  not  serve  as  a  stumbling-block  but  as  a  check  upon  evil 
and  a  spur  for  all  good  [just  as  Piatt  and  Croker  do  in  N.  Y. 
and  Quay  in  Penn.].  .  .  The  Governor  having  been  elected 
they  proceed  in  the  same  manner  to  elect  the  Alcalde,  and  these 
two  officers,  together  with  the  ministering  father,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  people,  appoint  the  Police  Officer  and  the  Topil 
[completing  the  bloom  of  bossism].  In  the  same  manner  a 
War  Captain  is  chosen.  Such  is  the  Senate  or  body  politic  of 
this  Indian  commonwealth,  and  it  governs  the  Indians  with  a 
view  to  their  own  protection  and  maintenance,  and  for  the 
preservation  of  the  Royal  service  [i.  e.,  the  spoils  system]  and 
of  the  Church  and  its  Ministers  [as  it  was  in  the  beginning, 
is  now,  and  ever  will  be,  at  the  combined  hands  of  priests  and 
politicians  who  construct  and  operate  a  machine]." 


122  INDIAN    COSMOGONY. 

seen,  Espaiioles,  that  we  steal  not,  neither  do  we  quar- 
rel, and  though  we  be  with  a  woman  we  take  no  lib- 
erty of  doing  anything  wrong."  I  do  not  believe 
all  that  of  their  goodness,  yet  it  is  certain  that  this 
Opa  nation  is  not  less  serious  than  the  Pima.  Hav- 
ing been  asked  what  information  they  possessed  of 
their  ancestors  (antepasados),  they  told  me  about  the 
same  things  as  {lo  misnio  poco  mas  6  menos  que)  the 
(Pimas)  Gilenos  said  to  the  senor  comandante,  and 
Padre  Font  put  in  his  diary,  concerning  the  deluge 
and  creation;  and  added,  that  their  origin  was  from 
near  the  sea  in  which  an  old  woman  created  their 
progenitors;  that  this  old  woman  is  still  somewhere 
(quien  sabe  en  donde),  and  that  she  it  is  who  sends  the 
corals  that  come  out  of  the  sea;  that  when  they  die 
their  ghost  {corazon)  goes  to  live  toward  the  western 
sea;  that  some,  after  they  die,  live  like  owls  (teco- 
lotes);28  and  finally  they  said  that  they  themselves 
do  not  understand  such  things  well,  and  that  those 
who  know  it  all  are  those  who  live  in  the  sierra 
over  there  beyond  the  Rio  Colorado.29  The  senor 
comandante  made  a  governor  and  alcalde,  who  be- 

"  From  the  Aztec  or  Nahuatl  word  tecolotl  or  teculutl,  an  owl. 
Some  old  maps  show  a  place  so  called  near  the  Arizona  and 
Sonora  boundary,  and  there  is  one  now  in  New  Mexico. 

""  This  seems  to  be  commendable  as  a  simple  yet  compre- 
hensive system  of  cosmogony  and  eschatology;  it  is  certainly 
modest,  in  disclaiming  omniscience,  and  polite,  in  respectfully 


LAST    OF    THE    COCOMARICOPAS.  I23 

haved  very  haughtily,  saying  that  now  their  names 
would  reach  the  king;  this,  perhaps,  may  cause  some 
jealousy  on  the  part  of  the  (a  vista  del)  Captain 
Palma.30  Here  is  where  ends  this  Opa  or  Coco- 
maricopa  nation,  which  is  all  one;  though  neverthe- 
less some  of  them  are  found  further  down  river.31 
It  appears  to  me  that  this  nation  will  number  some 
30  hundred  souls.     We  saw,  furthermore,  that  still 

referring  the  good  padre  to  more  authentic  sources  of  informa- 
tion, just  over  the  great  river.  It  is  also  as  credible  as  most 
others  with  which  we  are  acquainted,  and  more  consistent  than 
are  the  different  stories  related  in  early  chapters  of  Genesis. 

80  The  most  noted  Yuma  chief  of  that  time:  much  about  him 
beyond,  in  his  double  character  of  model  Christian  convert  and 
immodel  heathen  massacrer.  See  also  my  biography  of  Garces, 
antea,  pp.  11-24. 

81  The  extension  of  the  Maricopas  varied  at  different  periods. 
Thus  Emory,  Reconn.,  Ex.  Doc.  No.  41,  1848,  p.  89:  "we 
know  the  Maricopas  have  moved  gradually  from  the  gulf  of 
California  to  their  present  location  in  juxtaposition  with  the 
Pimos.  Carson  found  them,  so  late  as  the  year  1826  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Gila;  and  Dr.  Anderson,  who  passed  from  Sonora 
to  California  in  1828,  found  them,  as  near  as  one  could  reckon 
from  his  notes,  about  the  place  [Gila  Bend]  we  are  now  en- 
camped in."  This  statement,  however,  is  controverted  by  Bart- 
lett,  ii,  p.  269,  who  says:  "  I  cannot  learn  that  they  were  ever  on 
thj  Gulf;  although  it  appears  from  the  missionary  authorities, 
that  there  was  a  band  of  them  on  the  western  bank  of  the 
Colorado,  '  living  in  a  valley  36  leagues  in  length,  and  for  the 
space  of  9  leagues,  remarkably  fertile  and  pleasant,'  who  were 
'  allied  to  the  Coco-Mariocopas  of  the  Gila.'  " 


124  JALCHEDUNES    OR    ALCHEDOMAS. 

continues  the  peace 32  which  the  last  expedition 3S 
made  through  our  intervention  between  this  nation 
and  the  Yuma,  when  in  order  to  assure  it  some  of  the 
Opas  went  down  with  us  to  the  Yumas,  where  it  was 
ratified  with  great  rejoicing  on  the  part  of  each  (de 
ambas  partes);  and  thus  our  assistance,  among  other 
good  results,  has  the  effect  of  preventing  the  innu- 
merable murders  which  were  committed  on  both 
sides.34  From  this  place  word  was  sent  to  the  Jal- 
chedun  35  nation  of  our  coming,  and  that  they  should 

33  Las  pases,  "  peaces,"  in  the  plural,  a  locution  we  can  only 
render  by  the  paraphrase  of  the  treaties  or  articles  of  peace. 

33  The  "  last  expedition  "  which  Garces  mentions  is  that  of 
1774,  when  he  and  Padre  Juan  Diaz  accompanied  Captain  Anza 
with  34  men,  140  horses,  and  65  cattle,  from  Tubac  Jan.  8,  via 
Caborca,  Sonoita,  etc.,  to  Yuma  and  so  on  into  California,  to 
the  mission  of  San  Gabriel  near  Los  Angeles,  returning  to 
Yuma  May  10  and  passing  on  up  the  Gila  to  vicinity  of  Casa 
Grande  24th,  and  home  by  Tucson  and  Bac,  26th.  Orig. 
itinerary  in  Anza  MS.,  Descubr.  Sonora  a  California,  aiio  de 
1774,  etc.;  digested  in  Bancroft,  Cal.,  i,  pp.  221-223,  from  Arri- 
civita,  Cron.  Seraf.,  p.  450  seq.  See  also  Fourth  Entrada  of 
Garces,  antea,  pp.  38-46. 

"The  sense  of  the  clause  is  clear,  as  above;  the  wording  is: 
"  y  consuelo  nuestro  pues  entre  otros  bienes  que  de  aqui  se 
siguen  resulta  impedir  innumerables  muertes  que  de  una  y 
otra  parte  se  hazian." 

"  These  were  the  Alchedomas,  a  Yuman  tribe,  or  more  prop- 
erly a  subdivision  of  the  Cocopa,  formerly  scattered  at  intervals 
along  the  Colorado  near  the  mouth  of  the  Gila  and  extending 
above  and  below  the  former  stream  from  about  its  mouth  to  the 


PROGRESS    DOWN    THE    GILA.  I25 

go  down  without  fear  to  the  Yumas  in  order  to  cele- 
brate peace.  This  position  is  found  in  latitude  330 
02'  30".     The  15th  day  we  remained  here. 

Nov.  16.  We  traveled  9  leagues  westsouthwest, 
and  came  to  a  halt  near  the  river,  whose  bed  is  here 
very  broad.36 

vicinity  of  lat.  330  and  perhaps  farther  northward  along  the 
stream  on  both  banks.  Their  name  seems  to  contain  the 
Cuchan  (Yuma)  term  ha-eli,  "river"  (Gatschet).  Other  forms  of 
the  name  occurring  in  literature  are  Alchedomes,  Alchedumas. 
Alchidoma,  Algodomes,  Algodones.  Algodonnes,  Halchedoma. 
Hudcoadamas,  Hudcoadan,  Jakechedunes,  Jalchedon,  Jalche- 
dum,  Talchedon,  Talchedums.  As  late  as  1852  the  remnants  of 
the  tribe  were  located  on  the  Colorado  below  the  mouth  of  the 
Gila,  where  Lieut.  G.  H.  Derby  marks  "  Algodonnes  "  on  his 
map  of  1852.  They  doubtless  soon  after  became  a  part  of  the 
Yumas,  but  the  name  seems  to  survive  in  the  California  settle- 
ment of  Algodones  (as  if  Sp.  "cotton"  by  corruption),  near 
the  Lower  California  line. — F.  W.  H. 

s"  Continuing  down  the  right  bank,  north  side,  of  the  Gila, 
about  24  m.,  Garces  camps  at  or  near  Texas  hill,  in  tp.  7  S., 
range  14  W.  This  is  an  isolated  elevation  close  to  the  river, 
nearly  midway  between  the  points  where  the  Eagletail  mts.  and 
the  Castle  Dome  range  respectively  approach  the  Gila.  The 
place  is  Font's  camp  mark  "  32."  His  trail  shows  a  long  march 
to-day,  which  the  other  itinerary  gives  as  7  leagues,  not  9.  as 
above;  it  should  also  be  noted  that  the  published  account,  as 
digested  in  Bancroft,  for  example,  says  that  San  Bernardino  is 
reached  to-day — not  yesterday,  as  Garces  has  it.  There  is  noth- 
ing special  to  note  on  this  side  of  the  river;  on  the  other,  the 
railroad  runs  a  few  miles  off,  with  stations  called  Aztec,  Cristo- 
bal ("  Chrystoval  "  by  the  kind  of  Spanish  that  appears  on  the 


126  ANOTHER    SAN    BERNARDINO. 

Nov.  if.     Having  traveled  2  leagues  westsouth- 
west  we  came  upon  the  river.37 
Nov.  18.     With  4  leagues  southwest  we  halted  near 

G.  L.  O.  map),  and  Texas  Hill;  there  also  are,  or  were,  places 
on  this  side  known  as  Sentinel,  Stanwix,  and  Texas  Hill  camp. 

The  difficulty  or  ambiguity  in  the  case  of  the  name  San  Ber- 
nardino lies  simply  in  the  fact  that  it  was  applied  by  Anza  to 
two  different  places,  and  disappears  on  consulting  Font's  Diary. 
I  have  already  cited  him  for  the  14th  and  15th.  Now,  on  the 
16th,  he  says,  in  substance:  "  Left  Agua  Caliente  at  9.30  a.  m. 
and  at  4.30  p.  m.  halted  near  the  river,  having  come  some  9 
leagues  W.  S.  W.  As  this  was  my  bad  day,  lest  the  calentura 
should  catch  me  on  the  road,  the  sehor  comandante  let  me  go 
ahead  with  two  soldiers,  my  young  fellow,  and  my  two  pack- 
mules;  and  Padre  Fray  Thomas  [Eixarch]  came  with  me  for 
the  same  reason,  having  caught  a  quartan  ague,  and  this  being 
also  his  bad  day.  The  day's  journey  had  to  be  about  4  leagues 
to  the  place  that  on  the  last  expedition  they  called  San  Bernardino, 
which  is  an  island  that  the  river  makes  temporarily  (por  poco) 
when  it  rises,  where  there  is  grass  enough,  and  some  Indian 
rancherias."  The  poor  padre  had  a  hard  time  of  it  to-day;  the 
guide  lost  the  way,  and  they  had  to  travel  10  leagues;  the  fever 
came  on  him;  the  guide  said  he  would  budge  no  further  in  any 
direction;  the  boy  with  the  pack-mules  got  lost  alone  by  him- 
self; and  there  is  no  saying  what  might  have  happened  if  Anza, 
seeing  by  their  tracks  that  they  had  gone  beyond  where  he 
intended  to  camp,  had  not  sent  a  sergeant  with  two  men  to 
hunt  them  up  and  fetch  them  into  camp. 

"To-day's  advance  is  given  in  another  itinerary  as  only  ij4 
league,  and  the  camp  made  is  there  called  El  Pescadero.  It  is 
not  an  identifiable  spot,  and  we  simply  hold  the  expedition  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  Texas  Hill  camp  above  said.  See  Font's 
mark  "  33." 


CERRO   DE   SAN    PASQUAL.  1 27 

the  river  at  the  foot  of  the  Cerro  de  San  Pasqual.''8 

"*  Garces  says  nothing  of  crossing  the  river  on  this  lap,  but 
Font's  map  takes  the  trail  from  N.  to  S.  of  the  river  (see  his 
camp-marks  "  33  "  to  "  34  "),  and  his  Diary  says  that  halfway 
on  the  road  to-day  they  passed  the  river  for  the  second  time. 
This  is  correct;  and  we  shall  recross  the  river  again  to  get  to 
the  Yuma  camp  on  the  28th.  Now  we  are  on  the  S.  side,  and 
camp  at  the  foot  of  Cerro  de  San  Pasqual  (better  Pascual), 
which  corresponds  closely  to  Mohawk  Summit,  on  the  rail- 
road; camp  apparently  in  vicinity  of  the  place  called  Mohawk, 
close  to  the  river.  Cerro  de  San  Pasqual,  so  named  by  Anza  on 
the  last  trip,  1774,  is  the  modern  Mohawk  range,  otherwise  called 
Sierra  de  la  Cabeza  Prieta,  or  Black  Head  range,  extending 
S.  E.  from  the  Gila  to  within  a  short  distance  of  the  Sonora 
boundary,  and  apparently  so  named  from  the  Tinaja  de  la 
Cabeza  Prieta,  a  watering-place  on  the  road  through  Mo- 
hawk valley  to  Quitovaquito,  Sonora.  Font  describes  it  as 
very  rough  and  rocky,  of  moderate  elevation,  and  as  coming  to 
the  river  from  Papagueria,  i.  e.,  from  the  south.  This  extensive 
range  is  directly  in  line  with  another  from  which  it  is  separated 
by  the  Gila;  for  on  the  north  side  of  the  river  the  Castle  Dome 
range  continues  in  the  same  S.  E.  to  N.  W.  direction.  The 
latter  is  so  named  from  its  most  conspicuous  summit,  known 
as  the  Dome,  or  Dome  Rock,  or  Castle  Dome,  some  25  m.  off 
the  river.  The  Dome  lends  its  name  also  to  a  landing  on  the 
Colorado  river,  by  no  means  to  be  confounded  with  the  rock 
or  peak  itself;  and  to  Castle  Dome  District,  a  mining  area 
bounded  by  this  range  on  the  E.,  Chocolate  mts.  on  the  N., 
the  Gila  on  the  S.,  and  the  Colorado  on  the  W.  Castle  Dome 
range  appears  to  be  that  sometimes  called  the  Pagoda  mts., 
the  date  of  origin  of  which  name  is  no  doubt  found  in  the  fol- 
lowing passage  of  Bartlett's  Narr.,  ii,  p.  188,  June  20,  1852, 
when  his  party  had  come  39  m.  by  road  up  the  Gila:  "  On 
the  northern  side  of  the  river,  arose  a  mountain  chain  about 


128  CERRO    DE    SANTA    CECILIA. 

This  locality  was  found  to  be  in  latitude  320  48'. 
Here  we  remained  the  19th,  20th,  and  21st  days.39 
Nov.  22.  Having  gone  6  leagues  southwest 
we  arrived  at  the  hill  that  the  Indians  call 
Cerro    del    Metate;  40    and    we,     (Cerro)    de    Santa 

12  miles  distant,  presenting  a  continuation  of  fantastic  summits, 
among  which  were  three  resembling  the  tops  of  Hindu  pagodas. 
I  took  a  sketch  of  these  singular  mountains;  although  at  such 
a  distance,  but  little  more  than  the  outlines  could  be  discerned." 
A  lettered  plate  of  "  Pagoda  mountain  "  faces  the  page  cited. 

30  For  the  19th  Font  says  that  last  night  a  woman  happily 
gave  birth  to  a  boy,  on  which  account  the  expedition  remained; 
after  mass  he  solemnly  baptized  the  newborn,  who  was  named 
Diego  Pasqual,  because  the  day  was  the  octave  of  San  Diego, 
and  the  camp  was  San  Pasqual.  He  also  speaks  of  the  moun- 
tains visible  at  a  distance,  looking  northward,  beyond  which 
he  was  told  lived  the  Jalchedunes;  these  mountains  being  evi- 
dently the  Castle  Dome  range  said  in  my  last  note.  There  came 
to  camp  the  governor  and  alcalde  who  had  been  appointed  such 
at  Agua  Caliente,  with  other  Indians,  intending  to  accompany 
the  expedition  to  the  Yumas.  On  the  20th,  the  lying-in  woman 
was  still  unable  to  travel,  and  Font  was  much  troubled  with  his 
passages,  besides  his  fever.  On  the  21st  a  soldier  found  across 
the  river  a  deposit  of  very  fine  salt,  white  as  snow,  with  which 
the  troops  were  supplied  abundantly.  The  cold  was  intense, 
and  there  was  not  wood  enough  for  fires. 

40  From  the  Aztec  or  Nahuatl  metlatl.  A  stone  usually  18  in. 
or  2  ft  long  and  about  a  foot  wide,  of  sandstone  or  lava,  of  vary- 
ing degrees  of  coarseness,  on  which  corn  (and  by  the  Mexican 
Indians  also  cacao)  is  ground  by  means  of  a  mano  or  muller, 
generally  of  the  same  material,  held  in  the  hands.  A  coarse 
metate  is  usually  first  employed  to  crush  the  corn,  then  one  of 
finer  material,  and  lastly  a  metate  of  still  closer  grain  which 
produces  a  fine  meal. — F.  W.  H. 


SALINE    LAGOON.  120, 

Cecilia.41     Here   were    remained   the    23d   and    24th 
days.42 

Nov.  25.  Having  traveled  5  leagues  west  I  north- 
west, we  arrived  at  the  edge  of  a  saline  lagoon  (La- 
guna salobrc).*3     Here  came  a  Yuma  Indian  sent  by 

41  The  distances  for  the  22d  vary  in  different  itineraries,  and 
Metate  or  St.  Cecilia  hill  is  not  easily  identified.  It  may  be 
Antelope  hill,  in  the  vicinity  of  Tacna  station  of  the  railroad, 
or  possibly  Pozo  butte.  But  it  may  be  also  noted  that  there 
is  hereabouts,  on  the  north  side  of  the  river,  a  very  conspicuous 
picacho,  sometimes  called  Coronacion,  at  others  Pagoda. 
Font  in  one  place  makes  the  full  name  Cerro  de  Santa  Cecilia 
del  Metate. 

**  On  the  23d  the  pack-trains  started,  but  were  ordered  back, 
as  it  was  already  past  eleven  o'clock,  and  the  horse-herd  had 
not  been  rounded  up,  the  animals  having  wandered  far  in 
search  of  grass;  also,  the  beef-herd  arrived  only  at  this  late  hour, 
having  been  unable  to  come  up  the  day  before.  Some  of  the 
cattle  had  died  of  fatigue,  hunger,  and  cold.  The  delay  of  the 
24th  was  occasioned  by  a  pregnant  woman,  who  woke  up  sick, 
but  was  cured  by  the  help  of  Anza,  who  took  a  notion  to  give 
her  a  plate  of  victuals  (la  que  se  retnedio  Jiaviendola  socorrido  el 
senor  comandantc  con  un  antojo  que  tuvo,  que  fue  un  plato  de 
comida — and  if  I  do  not  mistake  the  Spanish  the  padre  is 
satirical). 

**  Garces  does  not  appear  to  use  the  term  as  a  name;  but  it 
is  given  as  such,  in  the  form  Laguna  Salada,  by  Anza,  who 
makes  to-day's  leagues  4  instead  of  5.  Font  names  Laguna 
salobre,  which  he  says  is  about  one  league  from  the  river  from 
which  it  is  derived.  He  describes  the  whole  way  to-day  as  sub- 
ject to  overflow  when  the  Gila  rises,  and  without  any  grass 
except  in  the  place  where  they  camped,  in  which  there  were 
piles  of  driftwood  and  other  debris  brought  down  by  the  river 


I30  EXPECTED    BY    THE    YUMAS. 

Captain  Palma  to  assure  us  that  all  his  people  were 
awaiting  us  with  great  eagerness.  From  here  has- 
tened on  ahead  the  Cocomaricopa  justices  who  were 
accompanying  us,  and  they  went  to  the  Yumas. 

Nov.  26.  With  4  leagues  northwest  we  halted  on 
the  bank  of  the  river.44 

in  its  formidable  risings.  The  party  appears  to  have  come 
along  past  the  place  to  be  found  on  some  maps  by  the  name 
of  Filibuster,  and  to  have  reached  a  point  in  the  vicinity  of 
what  was  called  Mission  camp  in  the  stage-coach  days,  not  far 
from  present  Adonde  station  of  the  railroad.  "  Filibuster  "  is 
perhaps  a  reminiscence  of  the  abortive  expedition  of  Henry  A. 
Crabb,  1856-57. 

44  At  a  point  named  in  the  other  itinerary  as  Cerros  del  Cajon; 
it  is  hardly  determinable  with  exactitude,  but  was  in  the  vicinity 
of  a  mining  camp  once  known  as  Oroville.  The  name  has 
disappeared  with  the  camp;  the  nearest  I  can  find  to  it  on  maps 
of  to-day  is  Monitor  P.  O.  It  will  be  observed  that  to-day  is 
the  first  decided  northwestlng,  showing  what  bend  of  the  river 
Garces  is  descending.  Font  records  that  the  road  yesterday 
was  bad,  but  to-day  worse,  following  the  river  and  within  sight 
of  it,  at  greater  or  less  distance,  over  sandy  ground  subject  to 
overflow.  He  and  Eixarch  went  fishing,  and  caught  a  fish  they 
called  matalote,  which  seemed  to  be  the  only  kind  in  the  river, 
and  which  was  no  doubt  the  so-called  scaleless  Gila  "  trout." 
There  was  found  in  camp  some  straw  for  the  horses,  and  it 
seemed  that  some  Yumas  had  lately  been  ranching  there.  Font 
speaks  of  the  Gila  range  as  a  rather  high  sierra,  rough,  rocky, 
and  arid,  which  comes  from  Papagueria  to  the  river;  on  the 
other  side  of  which  latter  is  a  similar  range,  of  a  reddish  color; 
and  there,  facing  camp,  was  seen  a  squarish  peak  with  four 
points,  which  they  called  the  Bonnet  (El  Bonete). 


GILA    NARROWS.  I3I 

Nov.  27.  Having  gone  2  leagues  westnorthwest 
we  halted  in  a  very  narrow  gap  {puerto) 45  through 

*  Los  Cerritos  is  the  name  given  to  this  place  in  another 
itinerary,  which  makes  the  distance  3  instead  of  2  leagues.  The 
puerto  or  gap  is  the  place  where  the  river  is  hemmed  in  between 
the  Gila  range  on  the  S.  and  other  elevations  on  the  N.  (See 
Emory's  map.)  Font  underscores  the  phrase  Puerto  por  donde 
passa  el  rio  Gila  recogido,  as  much  as  to  say  Gila  Narrows. 
This  is  not  far  from  Gila  City,  once  a  notable  mining  camp, 
then  a  deserted  village  indeed,  then  in  succession  a  station  of  the 
stage  road  and  railroad.  Gila  City  sprang  up  in  1858  with  the 
discovery  of  gold  placers  along  the  Gila,  and  may  have  had 
a  population  of  500  at  one  time;  but  the  diggings  were  soon 
exhausted,  and  in  1862  the  place  was  drowned  out.  J.  Ross 
Browne's  lively  description  of  1863  is  typical  of  many  another 
mining  town:  "  We  camped  at  Gila  City,  a  very  pretty  place, 
encircled  in  the  rear  by  volcanic  hills  and  mountains,  and  pleas- 
antly overlooking  the  bend  of  the  river,  with  its  sand-flats, 
arrow-weeds,  and  cottonwoods  in  front.  Gold  was  found  in  the 
adjacent  hills  a  few  years  ago,  and  a  grand  furor  for  the  '  placers 
of  the  Gila '  raged  throughout  the  territory.  At  one  time  over 
a  thousand  hardy  adventurers  were  prospecting  the  gulches  and 
canons  in  this  vicinity.  The  earth  was  turned  inside  out. 
Rumors  of  extraordinary  discoveries  flew  on  the  wings  of  the 
wind  in  every  direction.  Enterprising  men  hurried  to  the  spot 
with  barrels  of  whiskey  and  billiard-tables;  Jews  with  ready- 
made  clothing  and  fancy  wares;  traders  crowded  in  with  wagon 
loads  of  pork  and  beans;  and  gamblers  came  with  cards  and 
monte-tables.  There  was  everything  in  Gila  City  within  a  few 
months  but  a  church  and  a  jail,  which  were  accounted  bar- 
barisms by  the  mass  of  the  population.  When  the  city  was 
built,  bar-rooms  and  billiard-saloons  opened,  monte-tables  es- 
tablished, and  all  the  accommodations  necessary  for  civilized 
society  placed  upon  a  firm  basis,  the  gold  placers  gave  out.     In 


1$2  CAPTAINS    PALMA    AND    PABLO. 

which  flows  the  Rio  Gila.  Here  came  a  brother  of 
Captain  Palma,  and  presently  also  Captains  Pablo 
and  Palma,"  who  manifested  singular  joy,  especially 
Palma,  who  went  about  embracing  everybody. 

other  words,  they  had  never  given  in  anything  of  account. 
There  was  '  pay-dirt '  back  in  the  hills,  but  it  didn't  pay  to  carry 
it  down  the  river  and  wash  it  out  by  any  ordinary  process. 
Gila  City  collapsed.  In  about  the  space  of  a  week  it  existed 
only  in  the  memory  of  disappointed  speculators." 

"  I  will  cite  in  full  Font's  portraiture  of  this  interesting  savage 
and  his  brother.  "  On  the  road  there  came  to  receive  us  a  rela- 
tive of  Captain  Palma;  and  as  soon  as  we  camped,  being  at 
mess,  there  came  to  see  us  Captain  Salvador  Palma,  and  another 
captain,  to  whom  we  gave  the  name  Pablo,  accompanied  by 
several  Yuma  Indians,  and  they  saluted  us  with  many  demon- 
strations of  contentment,  especially  Captain  Palma,  who  em- 
braced us  all,  and  presented  some  beans  to  the  senor  coman- 
dante,  who  in  the  evening  took  him  through  camp  to  visit  the 
people,  all  of  whom  he  went  about  saluting,  giving  an  embrace 
to  all,  men,  women,  and  children,  in  token  of  benevolence. 
This  Captain  Palma  is  he  who  at  present  commands  in  all  the 
Yuma  nation,  which  he  has  dominated  by  his  intrepidity  and 
verbosity,  as  commonly  happens  among  Indians,  but  more  by 
the  appreciation  of  himself  which  the  Spaniards  have  shown 
him,  in  these  latter  times,  now  on  the  part  of  Captain  Ansa, 
and  before  that,  of  Captain  Urrea;  for  which  reason  the  other 
Captain  Pablo  recognizes  him — he  to  whom  we  gave  this  name 
because  he  is  captain  of  the  rancherias  that  there  are  in  the 
cerrito  which  Padre  Garces  antecedently  called  San  Pablo — the 
same  whom,  on  account  of  his  ugly  looks,  on  the  last  expedi- 
tion they  named  Captain  Feo.  The  people  of  the  rancherias 
of  this  Captain  Pablo  Feo  are  more  numerous  than  those  of  the 
rancherias  of  Captain  Palma,  and  he  seemed  to  me  to  be  of  as 


CROSSING   THE   GILA.  I33 

Nov.  28.  Having  forded  the  Rio  Gila  at  (con)  *7 
5  leagues  west  |  southwest,  we  halted  in  a  bower 

much  spirit  as  Palma,  if  not  more,  though  he  is  subordinated 
to  the  latter.  He  is  a  great  preacher,  with  a  thick  voice,  and 
they  say  he  is  also  a  sorcerer,  and  to-night  he  made  a  grand 
sermon  and  long  harangue  to  his  people,  which  amounted  to 
telling  them  that  they  must  not  rob  or  do  any  harm  to  the 
Spaniards,  for  these  were  friends  who  did  no  wrong.  The 
senor  comandante  told  me  that  this  Captain  Feo,  the  last  time 
he  was  with  the  first  expedition  [of  1774],  set  himself  to  count 
the  soldiers,  and  seeing  they  were  not  many,  began  to  say  to 
his  people  that  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  kill  them  all  and  get 
hold  of  their  horses  and  everything  else  the  Spaniards  had,  and 
such  were  his  intentions;  which  being  learned  by  the  senor 
comandante,  he  gave  him  (Pablo)  to  understand  that  if  war  was 
wanted,  all  his  people  and  many  others  would  unite,  and  he 
would  see  how  they  could  defend  themselves,  and  what  ill  would 
result;  whereupon  he  (Pablo)  forbore;  and  now  he  is  very 
obsequious,  and  has  manifested  much  affection,  though  then  he 
sought  to  oppose  the  passage  of  the  expedition  over  the  rio 
Colorado." 

47 "  Habiendo  vadeado  el  Rio  Gila  con  5  leguas  .  .  .  paramos 
en  una  enrramada,"  etc.  The  clause  is  ambiguous  as  to  the 
crossing-place,  but  Font  makes  it  clear  that  they  went  five 
leagues  along  the  S.  side  and  then  forded  the  river  to  the  N., 
within  a  league  of  its  mouth.  Font's  words  are,  "  paramos  en 
la  Playa  del  rio  Colorado,  despues  de  vadear  tercera  vez  el 
rio  Gila,  haviendo  caminado  unas  cinco  leguas,"  etc. — we  halted 
on  the  shore  of  the  Colorado,  after  fording  for  the  third  time 
the  Gila,  having  traveled  some  five  leagues:  see  also  his  camp- 
mark  "  39."  "  About  a  league  below  this  place,"  continues 
Font,  "which  is  that  which  on  the  former  expedition  [1774] 
they  called  the  Isla  de  Trinidad,  because  then  this  piece  of 
ground  was  isolated  by  the  Gila  and  an  arm  of  the  Colorado^ 


134  SAN    DIONISIO. 

(enrramada)  which  Captain  Palma  had  ordered  to  be 
built  for  this  purpose.  Many  very  festive  Indians  of 
both  sexes  soon  gathered  here,  and  in  the  presence 

though  now  there  is  no  such  island,  owing  to  the  shifting  of 
land  which  the  rivers  make  in  their  risings,  the  Rio  Gila  joins 
the  Rio  Colorado."  Here  we  have  the  expedition,  of  course, 
with  precision,  in  a  place  which  received  the  name  of  San 
Dionisio  from  Father  Kino  on  his  entrada  of  1700,  because  he 
reached  it  on  the  Areopagite's  day,  Oct.  3:  "  Poco  mas  adelante 
en  la  Rancheria  grande  de  los  Yumas  del  Rio  Colorado  en 
terreno  mui  bueno,  y  mui  immediato  al  lugar,  en  que  se  junta 
con  el  Gila,  llamado  San  Dionisio,  por  haver  llegado  alii  dia 
de  este  Santo,"  Apost.  Afan.,  1754,  p.  287.  The  location  is  in 
Arizona,  N.  of  the  Gila,  E.  of  the  Colorado,  opposite  the  site 
of  Fort  Yuma:  see  Kino's  map  of  1701,  place  marked  "$  S. 
Doonysio  1700";  Venegas'  map  of  1757,  etc.  On  the  edition  of 
"  Chino's "  map  of  1702,  with  Latin  and  German  names,  "  S 
Dionysias  1700  "  is  marked  with  a  mission  house  as  big  as  any 
mountain  in  the  vicinity,  and  so  San  Dionisio  has  often  been 
treated  as  if  it  were  a  mission  or  settlement  of  whites,  which 
it  never  was  in  Spanish  times;  for  the  establishments  of  1780 
were  across  the  river,  in  California,  where  Fort  Yuma  was 
founded  in  1850.  Thus  even  Emory,  a  strong,  able,  and  usually 
safe  authority,  in  his  Reconn.  of  1846-47  (Ex.  Doc.  No.  41, 
1848),  p.  95,  says:  "  Near  the  junction,  on  the  north  side  [of  the 
Gila],  are  the  remains  of  an  old  Spanish  church,  built  near 
the  beginning  of  the  17th  century,  by  the  renowned  missionary, 
Father  Kino.  This  mission  was  eventually  sacked  by  the  In- 
dians, and  the  inhabitants  all  murdered  or  driven  off."  Here 
the  allusion  is  evidently  to  the  mission  of  1780,  destroyed  by 
Palma  on  July  17,  1781,  at  Yuma,  on  the  California  side  of  the 
Colorado,  and  I  have  no  idea  what  church  ever  stood  on  the 
Arizona  side.    The  persistence  of  the  fable  that   Kino   estab- 


AT    THE    MOUTH    OF   THE   GILA.  I35 

of  all  was  confirmed  the  peace  between  the  two  na- 
tions,  Cocomaricopa  and  Yuma.     About  a  league 

lished  a  mission  here  is  remarkable:  what  Kino  established  was 
a  name — nothing  more.  Thus  Bartlett,  Narr.,  ii,  1854,  p.  183, 
says:  "  He  established  a  mission  at  the  mouth  of  the  Colo- 
rado [!]  and  one  at  the  mouth  of  the  Gila.  The  former  did  not 
last  many  years  [never  existed].  The  latter  was  in  existence  as 
late  as  1776,  when  Fathers  Pedro  Font  and  Garces  came  with  a 
large  party  from  Sonora  to  replenish  the  missions  of  California," 
etc.  But  this  is  obviously  wrong;  for  here  we  have  Garces 
on  the  spot  in  1775 — nothing  there  whatever.  Unless  a  hut  or 
two,  in  which  lived  a  priest  or  two,  on  an  occasion  or  two, 
1776  to  1779,  can  be  called  an  establishment,  no  Spaniards  were 
ever  established  here  or  hereabouts  till  the  fall  of  1780,  and 
then  they  built  on  the  west  side  of  the  Colorado.  Indeed,  I 
do  not  know  that  the  Arizona  site  of  San  Dionisio  was  ever 
permanently  peopled,  except  by  Yumas,  until  about  1850.  In 
Nov.,  1849,  just  after  the  establishment  of  Camp  Calhoun  on 
the  Californian  side,  a  ferry  was  started;  there  was  much  emi- 
grant and  other  travel  in  1850-54,  and  the  latter  year  a  paper 
"  city  "  was  surveyed  and  named  Colorado  City  (later  Arizona 
City).  There  was  only  a  house  or  two  in  1861,  and  hardly  more 
than  that  in  1864  when  I  was  there.  Fort  Yuma  was  then 
flourishing  as  a  military  post,  and  Arizona  City,  or  Colorado 
City,  later  called  Yuma,  had  more  or  less  bona  fide  existence, 
becoming  the  county  seat  in  1871.  The  railroad  came  by  in 
1877,  and  its  station,  Yuma,  on  the  S.  side  of  the  mouth  of  the 
Gila,  where  the  Colorado  was  bridged,  became  a  permanency. 
It  will  be  understood  that  I  here  speak  of  the  several  settlements, 
including  a  mile  or  more  on  either  side  of  the  Gila,  from 
Kino's  original  San  Dionisio  to  present  Yuma  of  the  railroad. 
The  geodetic  position  of  the  Gila  disembogue  is  lat.  32°  43' 
32"  N.,  long.,  1140  36'  10"  W. 


I36  HISTORY   OF   THE   GILA. 

further  down  from  this  place  the  Rio  Gila  joins  with 
the  Colorado.     The  Rio  Gila,48  for  all  that  I  have 


*  Rio  Gila,  Hila,  Jila,  Xila,  Chila,  also  Hela,  Helah,  Helay, 
etc.,  has  been  longer  known  than  the  Colorado  itself,  and  than 
any  other  river  in  Arizona  or  New  Mexico;  its  present  name 
is  comparatively  recent,  taken  from  that  of  some  place  or  region 
on  its  upper  waters  in  Apacheria,  dating  from  1630.  It  was 
probably  discovered  in  1538  by  two  friars  named  Juan  de  la 
Asuncion  and  Pedro  Nadal;  this  presumption  is  strengthened 
by  the  name  Rio  de  la  Asumpcion  long  applied  to  its  principal 
branch,  and  colored  by  a  statement  Garces  himself  makes,  be- 
yond. The  Gila  was  certainly  discovered  in  1539  by  the  negro 
Stephen,  Estevan,  or  Estebanico,  avant-courier  of  Fray  Marcos 
de  Niza  en  route  to  Cibola,  being  crossed  also  by  the  latter 
immediately.  Its  mouth  was  passed  in  1540  by  Hernando  de 
Alarcon,  and  of  course  the  river  was  crossed  and  recrossed  by 
Coronado's  expedition,  1540-42,  being  doubtless  the  "  deep  and 
reedy  "  stream  mentioned  by  Jaramillo.  I  do  not  know  what 
name,  if  any,  the  Gila  bore  from  1539  to  1604,  in  which  latter 
year  it  was  named  Rio  del  Nombre  de  Jesus  by  Juan  de  Onate, 
at  the  same  time  that  he  called  the  Colorado  Rio  Grande  de 
Buena  Esperanza,  on  his  very  memorable  entrada  from  Santa 
Fe.  There  is  almost  silence  till  we  come  to  Kino's  time,  when 
Gila  or  Hila  first  appears  as  a  name  of  the  river  itself  (above  the 
confluence  of  Salt  river,  its  main  fork).  The  date  of  this  appli- 
cation is  said  to  be  1697,  and  that  is  probably  about  right, 
though  Kino's  biographer  uses  Gila  in  speaking  of  his  earliest 
Arizona  entrada  of  1694.  Feb.  27,  1699,  is  the  exact  date  on 
which  Kino  named  the  Gila  Rio  de  los  Apostoles,  at  the  same 
time  he  called  four  of  its  principal  branches  Los  Evangelistas, 
and  named  the  Colorado  Rio  de  los  Martires.  Be  the  precise 
Kino  dates  what  they  may,  his  map  of  1701  shows  "  R.  Hila  " 
for  the  main   stream  above  Salt   river,   which   latter  is  marked 


SIERRA   DEL    MOGOLLdN.  1 37 

been  able  to  ascertain  in  my  travels,  arises  in  the  Si- 
erra del  Mogollon,49  and  flows  regularly  from  east  to 

"  R.  Azul."  We  thus  have  Gila,  in  the  form  "  Hila,"  definitely 
affixed  to  an  upper  portion  of  the  stream;  it  appears  as  R.  Gila 
on  Venegas'  map  of  1757,  but  still  above  Salt  river;  the  date 
when  it  first  descended  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  does  not 
appear.  The  name  Rio  de  los  Apostoles  or  Apostles'  river  long 
stuck  to  the  Gila;  thus,  it  is  given  on  some  maps  of  the  present 
century;  for  example,  the  one  drawn  by  Captain  Clark  at  the 
Mandans  and  forwarded  to  President  Jefferson  on  Apr.  7,  1805; 
and  it  appears  in  fuller  form  Rio  Grande  de  los  Apostoles  on 
Vaugondy's  map  of  1783.  The  misapplication  to  the  Gila  of 
the  name  Rio  de  los  Martires,  which  Kino  had  bestowed  upon 
the  Colorado,  and  which  appears  on  Humboldt's  map,  and 
various  others,  is  of  uncertain  date,  perhaps  not  prior  to  the 
time  of  Font  and  Garces;  the  latter  bestows  it  upon  the  Mojave 
river,  as  we  shall  see  beyond.  Among  the  changes  in  names 
rung  by  mappists  upon  Kino  of  1701  may  be  noted  the  "  Tabula 
California;  Anno  1702,"  whereon  "  spinnfluss  Hila  fl."  appears 
for  the  Gila  above  Salt  river,  and  "  Azul  oder  Blaufluss "  is 
made  the  main  stream  down  to  the  Colorado.  For  considera- 
tion of  this  case,  involving  origin  of  the  terms  Rio  Azul,  Rio 
Salado,  and  Rio  de  la  Asumpcion  for  the  main  Gila  tributary, 
see  a  following  note. 

49  Named  for  Don  Juan  Ignacio  Flores  de  Mogollon,  native 
of  Seville  in  Spain,  once  governor  of  Nuevo  Leon,  governor 
and  captain-general  of  New  Mexico,  1712-15.  It  appears  that 
he  was  commissioned  as  such  for  five  years  at  Madrid  Sept.  27, 
and  qualified  Oct.  9,  1707,  but  did  not  take  office  till  Oct.  5, 
1712,  when  he  was  installed  at  Santa  Fe,  with  a  salary  of  $2,000. 
He  is  commonly  called  Governor  Flores.  He  was  accused  of 
various  things,  relieved  from  duty  by  the  king's  order  Oct.  5, 
1715,  and  succeeded  Oct.  30  by   Felix  Martinez.     Some  years 


138  RIO   DE   SAN    JUAN    NEPOMUZENO. 

west,  though  from  Vparsoytac 50  it  inclines  to  the 
westsouthwest.  In  its  course  it  is  joined  by  (se 
le  agregan)  the  Rios  de  San  Juan  Nepomuzeno,51  de 


after  he  had  left  New  Mexico  his  case  was  tried  in  1721,  and 
went  against  him,  which,  however,  was  of  no  consequence  to 
him,  as  neither  his  person  nor  any  assets  could  be  found.  He 
was  an  old  man,  in  poor  health,  of  whom  we  hear  no  more. 
(Bancroft,  Ariz,  and  N.  M.,  p.  231,  seq.)  The  application  of  his 
name  to  the  mountains  which  still  bear  it  was  no  doubt  during 
the  period  of  his  gubernatorial  incumbency;  it  is  also  borne  by 
a  tribe  of  Apaches,  who  are  so  called  from  their  former  habitat 
on  the  Mogollon  "  mesa."  The  Mogollon  mts.  of  present  no- 
menclature are  a  range  in  New  Mexico  near  the  Arizona  border, 
not  far  below  the  ultimate  sources  of  the  Gila.  The  Mogollon 
mesa,  formerly  often  mapped  as  the  mountains  or  range  of  that 
name,  may  be  described  as  the  elevated  plateau  which  forms  the 
watershed  between  the  basin  of  the  Colorado  Chiquito  on  the 
N.  and  that  of  Salt  river  (including  the  Tonto  basin)  on  the  S. 
The  name  is  frequently  spelled  Mogoyon,  being  pronounced 
in  Arizona  mogy-yon'  or  muggy-yon',  g  hard  and  a  strong  ac- 
cent on  the  final  long  syllable. 

50  Otherwise  San  Simon  y  Judas  of  p.  113:  see  the  note  there. 

n  Otherwise  John  of  Nepomucen,  Nepomuk,  or  Pomuk, 
patron  saint  of  Bohemia,  b.  at  Pomuk,  a  village  in  Klatau  dis- 
trict, ca.  1330,  tortured  and  murdered  1383  or  Mar.,  1393,  re- 
garded as  a  martyr  and  miracle  worker,  canonized  by  Bene- 
dict XIII.,  Mar.  19,  1729;  day  fixed  for  May  16,  and  still 
celebrated  at  Prague.  Marne,  Vie  de  St.  Jean  de  Nepomucene, 
Paris,  1741.  Abel,  Legende  des  heiligen  Johannes  von  Nepo- 
muk, Berlin,  1855.  The  identity  of  two  persons  is  supposed  to 
be  confused  in  the  legends  and  myths  which  cluster  about  the 
name. 


mOS  DE  SAN  PEDRO  Y  SAN  CARLOS.      1 39 

San  Pedro,52  de  San  Carlos,53  and  by  that  (river)  which 
is  doubtless  the  one  traditionally  (en  las  memorias 
antiguas)  called  Rio  de  San  Francisco  54  and  de  la 
Asumpcion;  this  is  composed  of  two,  which  are  the 
Verde  and  the  Salado.  (The  Gila)  receives  the  prin- 
cipal volume  of  its  waters  from  the  Rio  de  la  Asump- 

02  For  this  note  see  p.  152. 

M  The  San  Carlos  is  one  of  the  smaller  upper  tributaries  of 
the  Gila,  lying  wholly  in  the  present  White  Mountain  Indian 
Reservation  between  the  Gila  and  Salt  river.  It  is  chiefly  nota- 
ble as  forming,  for  most  of  its  extent,  a  portion  of  the  boundary 
between  Gila  and  Graham  counties,  and  for  giving  name  to  the 
important  San  Carlos  Agency,  once  Camp  or  Fort  San  Carlos, 
where  the  dregs  of  the  Apache  dose  are  now  being  consumed. 

"  This  is  simply  a  blunder  of  Garces,  confusing  the  San 
Francisco  with  Salt  river.  The  name  seems  to  have  been  a 
very  early  one,  and  there  was  much  confusion  regarding  the 
river  which  should  bear  it,  in  the  minds  of  the  comparatively 
early  Spanish  writers,  for  it  has  been  applied  to  several,  even 
as  low  down  as  the  Verde.  The  original  application  or  impli- 
cation of  the  term  has  escaped  my  search;  we  may  recall  in 
this  connection  that  there  were  two  Sts.  Francis,  one  specially 
honored  by  the  Jesuits,  the  other  the  founder  of  the  rival  Fran- 
ciscan order.  The  name  has  properly  applied  for  about  100 
years  to  one  of  the  two  initial  forks  of  the  Gila,  arising  in  New 
Mexico  in  that  portion  of  the  Continental  Divide  represented 
by  the  San  Francisco  range  and  the  Tulerosa  mts.,  in  the 
vicinity  of  old  Fort  Tulerosa.  At  the  same  time,  the  name  San 
Francisco  was  applied  for  many  years  to  the  Verde.  Emory 
speaks  of  "  where  the  San  Francisco  flows  into  the  Salt  river  " 
in  1848;  and  in  my  own  Arizona  time.  1864-65,  I  heard  and  used 
this  name  oftener  than  I  did  Verde. 


140  RIO    DE    LA    ASUNCION. 

cion,"  which  is  very  much  increased  by  the  melting 
of  the  snows  of  the  sierra  through  which  it  flows.    On 

64  Garces  is  quite  right  in  composing  Assumption  river  of  the 
Verde  and  Salado,  and  in  assigning  so  great  a  volume  of  water 
to  their  joint  stream.  They  were  comparatively  well  known  in 
his  day — quite  well  known  in  their  lower  reaches.  Thus  the 
author  of  the  Rudo  Ensayo,  writing  in  1762,  says,  p.  129: 
"...  the  Gila  .  .  .  receives  the  waters  of  the  Assumption 
River,  which,  eight  or  nine  leagues  farther  up  to  the  northwest, 
is  formed  by  two  other  rivers,  taking  their  rise,  according  to 
an  account  of  Father  James  Sedelmayr  [of  his  travels  to  the 
Yumas  in  1748],  in  an  extensive  ridge  of  mountains  in  the  land 
of  the  Apaches,  on  the  other  side  of  the  Gila,  farther  up  towards 
the  east.  Of  these  two  branches,  one  is  called  Verde,  owing 
to  the  verdure  of  the  groves  which  adorn  its  banks,  and  the 
other  Salado,  because  it  is  salty  to  such  a  degree,  that  after  its 
union  with  the  Verde,  and  even  after  joining  the  Gila,  the 
water  for  some  distance  is  unpalatable."  And  again,  p.  200: 
"  The  river  Gila  receives  the  Asuncion,  whose  two  branches,  the 
Verde  and  the  Salado,  of  which  it  is  composed,  come  .  .  .  from 
the  mountains  of  the  Apaches  and  descend,  in  a  southwesterly- 
direction,  to  the  Gila."  All  of  which  is  quite  true,  and  the 
nomenclature  of  the  two  branches  is  the  same  as  now,  except 
that  we  usually  say  Salt  for  Salado,  and  properly  consider  this 
the  main  stream,  which  we  fetch  down  to  the  Gila,  thus  throw- 
ing out  Assumption  river.  Now  turning  to  the  state  of  the 
case  a  little  earlier  than  the  Rudo  Ensayo,  we  find  Rio  Asul, 
Blue  river,  to  be  the  recognized  name  of  the  joint  stream. 
Thus  Ortega,  writing  the  Apost.  Afan.  of  1754,  says  of  Kino's 
visit  to  his  Gilan  rancherias  Encarnacion  and  San  Andres,  in 
Nov.,  1694:  ''  A.qui  supieron,  que  por  el  rio  Gila  abaxo  al  Poni- 
ente,  y  entre  Norte,  y  Poniente  en  el  rio  Asul,  y  mas  adelante 
en  el  rio  Colorado  viven  las  Naciones  Opas,"  etc.,  p.  253. 
Again,  p.  276,  noting  Kino's  entrada  of  1699,  he  says:  "  descu- 


HISTORY   OF   THIS    RIVER.  I4I 

the  banks  of  the  Rio  Gila  there  are  cottonwoods,  wil- 
lows, and  mezquites.     Generally  this  river  is  found 

brieron  otro  rio  llamado  Azul,  poblado  de  muchas  frondosas 
alamedas;  juzgaron,  que  recogeria  sin  duda  sus  primeros 
manantiales  en  las  cercanias  de  la  Provincia  del  Moqui."  I 
take  this  passage  to  indicate  the  actual  discovery  and  naming 
of  the  river,  leafy  with  cottonwoods,  and  supposed  to  flow  from 
Moqui,  on  March  2,  1699.  The  case  is  exactly  set  forth  on 
Kino's  map  of  1701,  where  "  R.  Azul  "  starts  from  Moqui  by 
several  branches,  is  joined  by  one  large  branch,  and  brought 
into  the  Gila  at  about  the  right  place,  below  the  Santa  Cruz. 
The  Blue  name  was  given  from  the  New  Mexican  Sierra  Azul 
where  the  river  was  supposed  to  head.  This  date  of  Mar.  2, 
1609,  is  almost  that  on  which  Kino  named  the  two  branches 
Verde  and  Salado,  lumped  these  with  the  Santa  Cruz  and  San 
Pedro  as  the  Four  Evangelists,  and  styled  the  Gila  itself  Rio  de 
los  Apostoles;  but  we  may  search  these  records  in  vain  for  a 
Kinotic  Rio  de  la  Asuncion.  The  date  of  the  latter  name, 
sometimes  given  more  fully  as  Rio  de  Nuestra  Sehora  de  la 
Asumpcion  or  Asuncion,  I  have  been  able  to  trace  to  Sedel- 
mayr,  1743-44.  On  Venegas'  map  of  1757  it  appears  in  due 
form,  "  R.  Asump.",  correctly  composed  of  R.  Verde  and  R. 
Salado,  but  brought  into  the  Gila  far  too  low  down;  while  in 
its  proper  position  "  R.  Azul"  is  also  given!  I  have  not 
Venegas'  text  at  hand,  nor  Sedelmayr's  Relacion;  but  the 
Apost.  Afan.,  narrating  Sedelmayr's  entrada  of  1743,  p.  353- 
speaks  of  this  padre's  descent  of  the  Gila,  "  que,  incorporando- 
sele  en  aquel  parage  el  de  Assumption,  corre  bastamente 
caudaloso."  Again,  p.  357,  referring  to  Sedelmayr's  next  en- 
trada, 1744,  Ortega  speaks  of  the  river  "  muy  caudaloso  llamado 
de  la  Assumption,  que  se  compone  de  otros  dos  nombrados  el 
Verde,  y  el  Salado;  seSala  el  sitio,  en  que  se  junta  el  de  la 
Assumpcion  con  el  Gila,"  etc.  This  is  conclusive  of  an  As- 
sumption river  dating  back  at  least  to  1743-44-     It  is  curious  to 


142  HISTORY    OF   THIS    RIVER. 

short  of  grass;  but  the  soil  of  the  rancherias  de  San 
Andres,  now  depopulated,  and  that  in  all  the  vicinity 
of  Sutaquison,  abounds  in  brushwood  and  carrizo 
(Phragmites  communis?).  There  is  found  in  this 
river  no  other  fish  than  that  which  they  call  matalote  56 

observe  that  in  this  very  passage  Ortega  speaks  also  of  a  Rio 
Azul;  but  this  one,  which  Sedelmayr  had  approached,  travel- 
ing up  the  Colorado,  was  Bill  Williams'  fork,  supposed  to 
come  from  the  Moquis.  The  origin  of  the  name  has  been  duly 
noted  by  Bandelier,  Final  Rep.  pt.  i,  1890,  p.  113:  "  Fathers 
Sedelmair  and  Keller  both  visited  the  banks  of  the  Salado, 
which  they  baptized  Rio  de  la  Asuncion,  and  they  also  examined 
the  lower  Verde."  The  only  other  nomenclatural  point 
— the  process  by  which  this  river  was  sometimes  carried  down 
to  the  Colorado,  restricting  the  name  Gila  correspondingly — 
has  been  already  noted.  The  Verde  is  the  principal  river  in 
central  Arizona,  draining  an  extensive  region  south  of  the  San 
Francisco  mountains,  but  by  no  means  approximating  to 
Moqui,  for  the  basin  of  the  Colorado  Chiquito  intervenes. 
The  Salado  is  still  larger,  with  a  course  approximately  parallel 
with  that  of  the  Gila,  almost  from  the  New  Mexican  border. 
Its  earliest  name  dates  from  1539,  as  it  is  the  stream  which 
Jaramillo,  writing  of  the  Coronado  expedition,  calls  Rio  de  las 
Balsas,  or  River  of  the  Rafts,  because  it  had  to  be  crossed  by 
such  means:  see  Hodge,  in  Brower's  Mem.  Expl.,  ii,  Harahey, 
1899,  p.  42.  An  upper  portion  of  its  extent  is  sometimes  called 
Black  river.  An  alternative  name  of  Rio  Salado  or  Salt  river 
was  Salinas;  and  I  have  already  noted  that  the  Verde  was  for 
years  called  San  Francisco  river. 

"  From  the  Nahuatl  name  of  a  certain  or  rather  uncertain 
fish.  No  doubt  those  to  which  Garces  refers  were  of  the  genus 
Gila,  so  named  by  Baird  and  Girard  in  1853  from  the  river  they 
inhabit.     There  are  several  species,  as  G.  robusta,  G.  gracilis,  etc. 


PREHISTORIC    EDIFICES.  I43 

which  is  so  very  savory  to  the  taste,  but  is  trouble- 
some on  account  of  the  many  bones  that  it  has. 
On  this  river  is  found  the  Casa  (Grande)  said  to  be 
(que  dizen  scr)  of  Moctezuma,  and  very  many  other 
ruins,  and  other  edifices  with  very  many  fragments 
of  pottery  (cascos  de  losd  [sic,  error  of  the  scribe  for 
loza]),*1  as  well  with  painting  as  without  it;  from 
what  I  have  seen  since  (my  visit  to)  Moqui  I  have 
formed  a  conception  respecting  these  structures  very 
different  from  that  which  I  previously  entertained. 

Nov.  29.     This  day  was  occupied  in  search  of  a 
path,  in  opening  a  way  through  the  heavy  woods 

"  The  prehistoric  pueblo  ruins  of  the  Gila-Salado  drainage, 
some  of  which,  as  Casa  Grande,  still  rise  to  a  considerable 
height  above  the  surface  of  the  sand  drift,  are  usually  of  adobe; 
where  stone  was  available  for  structural  purposes,  however,  it 
was  used,  but  generally  to  a  limited  extent,  as  the  natural  soil 
formed  an  admirable  building  material.  Wherever  such  re- 
mains occur,  their  mounds  and  the  vicinity  are  thickly  strewn 
with  pieces  of  earthenware,  and  it  is  these  to  which  Garces 
refers  as  cascos  de  losd  (read  loza).  Where  adobe  was  em- 
ployed, the  larger  walls  were  usually  constructed  by  first 
erecting  two  parallel  rows  of  upright  logs,  the  width  of  the  pro- 
posed walls,  then  wattling  them  and  filling  in  with  grout.  The 
smaller  walls  were  made  by  rolling  up  balls  of  adobe  mortar 
mixed  with  ashes  or  fine  gravel,  setting  them  in  the  wall  as  if 
stones,  and  plastering  the  exposed  surfaces  with  the  same  ma- 
terial. So  tenacious  is  this  native  mortar  that,  when  dry,  it 
withstands  the  elements  sometimes  for  centuries,  as  Casa 
Grande  still  testifies.— F.  W.  H. 


144  RI°    COLORADO. 

(grande  arboleda)  of  the  Rio  Colorado,53  and  in  seek- 

58  This  fixed  name  of  one  of  the  greatest  rivers  of  North 
America  is  only  one  of  many  and  by  no  means  the  earliest  it 
has  borne.  Garces  tells  us  beyond  that  the  Yuman  name  was 
Javill;  a  word  also  rendered  Hah-weal.  Colorado  is  said  to  be 
the  Spanish  translation  of  the  Piman  name  buqui  aquimuti;  I 
presume  it  to  be  of  Kinotic  date,  as  Kino's  map  of  1701  legends 
"  R.  Colorado  del  Norte,"  though  the  great  Piman  apostle  also 
called  it  Rio  de  los  Martires,  perhaps  commemorating  the  Three 
Holy  Martyrs  of  Japan,  as  they  were  styled  (there  was  a  prin- 
cipal rectorate  or  missionary  jurisdiction  of  this  name  in  Sonora 
in  Jesuit  times).  "  Colorado  6  del  Norte "  also  appears  on 
Venegas'  map,  1757,  which  is  dressed  on  Kino's.  "  Coloratus 
fl.  seu  Nord-Strom  "  is  the  Latin-German  legend  of  the  Tabula 
California?,  1702,  likewise  based  on  "  Chino."  The  "  Norte " 
clause  seems  to  have  soon  dropped  out,  leaving  Colorado  as 
we  have  it;  a  term  often  translated  Red  in  English,  and  not 
seldom  specified,  among  the  many  Red  rivers  of  our  country, 
as  Red  River  of  the  West,  or  Red  River  of  California,  other- 
wise Rio  Colorado  del  Occidente.  But  the  great  stream  was 
discovered  in  1540,  and  had  a  string  of  names  for  about  half  a 
century.  The  discovery  was  made  at  its  mouth  by  Hernando 
de  Alarcon,  Aug.  26,  1540;  he  is  said  to  have  navigated  it  for  85 
leagues,  but  this  distance  is  dubious;  he  called  it  Rio  de  Buena 
Guia,  or  Good  Guide  river.  The  same  year,  Coronado,  being  at 
Zuhi  (Cibola), sent  a  party  under  Cardenas  to  explore  westward. 
They  went  through  Moqui  and  on  to  the  Colorado  somewhere 
in  the  course  of  the  Grand  Canon,  which  they  have  the  honor 
of  discovering  on  or  about  Sept.  15.  1540.  Melchior  Diaz,  who 
reached  the  mouth  of  the  river  overland  from  Sonora  via  the 
Gulf  coast,  probably  early  in  October,  1540,  called  it  Rio  del 
Tizon,  a  term  translated  Firebrand  river,  on  account  of  the  cus- 
toms of  the  natives,  who  carried  firebrands  with  which  to  warm 
themselves.     On  Jan.  25,  1605,  Juan  de  Onate  also  reached  the 


RIO    COLORADO.  1 45 

ing  the  ford,  in  order  that  the  expedition  might  cross 
(the  river).69 

Nov.   30.     The   Cocomaricopa   justices    (justicias) 

mouth,  or  nearly  there,  coming  overland  from  Santa  Fe; 
he  named  it  Rio  Grande  de  Buena  Esperanza.  But  the 
most  remarkable  point  in  this  connection  is,  that  Onate 
crossed  the  branch  now  known  as  Colorado  Chiquito  or 
Little  Colorado,  and  named  this  Rio  Colorado;  whence  it 
appears,  that  "  Colorado  "  was  first  applied  to  the  minor  stream 
at  this  date,  and  later  extended  to  the  principal  river:  the  actual 
connection  of  the  two  rivers  cannot  have  been  known  to  Onate, 
as  it  was  many  a  long  year  from  his  date  before  the  place  where 
the  one  flows  into  the  other  was  determined. 

"  For  the  29th  Font  gives  further  particulars.  He  said  mass 
in  the  "  bower,"  which  was  about  eight  varas  long  and  four 
wide,  and  in  which  an  altar  was  set  up  with  the  banner  of  the 
Virgin,  which  Garces  carried.  "  As  the  rio  Colorado  has  such 
a  current,  and  runs  so  scattered  through  the  bottomlands,  we 
found  no  Isla  de  Trinidad,  neither  was  there  now  the  ford  by 
which  passed  the  expedition  on  the  former  occasion,  the  In- 
dians saying  that  the  river  was  now  very  deep  at  that  ford:  for 
these  two  rivers  Colorado  and  Gila  rise  every  year  to  such  ex- 
cess, and  run  through  these  flat  and  friable  grounds  with  such 
lack  of  restraint,  that  they  appear  to  shift  their  channels,  form- 
ing wash-outs,  and  dividing  into  branches,  according  as  the 
force  of  the  current  bears  more  or  less  to  this  side  or  to  that. 
The  result  is,  that  at  its  greatest  flood  the  Gila  itself  extends 
more  than  a  league,  and  presumably  the  Colorado  much  more. 
Wherefore  it  was  intended  to  cross  the  river  on  rafts;  but  the 
senor  comandante,  considering  that  it  would  be  a  long  and 
tedious  job  to  cross  such  a  train  on  rafts,  went  with  some  sol- 
diers to  examine  the  river,  and  with  some  difficulty  found  a  ford 
across  the  Colorado  higher  up  than  it  formerly  was,  and  above 


I46  FROM    ARIZONA   TO    CALIFORNIA. 

departed  on  their  return  to  their  land.  The  whole 
expedition  passed  over  the  Rio  Colorado  60  without 

the  place  where  we  were;  and  having  found  it,  he  opened  a  road 
in  the  afternoon  through  the  brush  and  woodland  of  the  river 
bottom,  in  order  to  make  the  crossing  next  day." 

Emory's  Report  already  cited  has  a  plate  of  the  Gila  junction 
with  the  Colorado,  and  the  condition  of  things  he  describes  on 
p.  95  may  be  compared  with  Font's:  "The  Gila  comes  into  it 
nearly  at  right  angles,  and  the  point  of  junction,  strangely 
chosen,  is  the  hard  butte  through  which,  with  their  united  forces 
they  cut  a  canon,  and  then  flow  off  due  magnetic  west,  in  a 
direction  of  the  resultant  due  to  the  relative  strength  of  the 
rivers.  The  walls  of  the  canon  are  vertical,  and  about  50  feet 
high,  and  1,000  feet  long.  Almost  before  entering  the  canon,  in 
descending  the  Gila,  its  sea-green  waters  are  lost  in  the  chrome- 
colored  hue  of  the  Colorado.  For  a  distance  of  three  or  four 
miles  below  the  junction,  the  river  is  perfectly  straight,  and 
about  600  feet  wide."  This  "  canon  "  is  exactly  what  the  mis- 
sionaries of  1775-81  called  the  Puerto  (or  Puertezuelo)  de  la 
Purisima  Concepcion;  and  the  mission  of  the  latter  name  was 
precisely  on  the  site  of  Fort  Yuma. 

00  On  making  the  ford  the  party  passes  from  Arizona  into 
California,  and  camps  in  the  well-known  locality  of  Fort  Yuma, 
if  not  on  the  very  site  of  this  military  post,  which  dates  from 
1850.  The  first  establishment  there  was  made  in  Sept.,  1849, 
when  Camp  Calhoun  was  formed  by  Lt.  Cave  Johnson  Couts, 
U.  S.  Dragoons,  in  command  of  an  escort  for  Whipple's  boun- 
dary survey.  The  tide  of  travel  was  just  then  setting  strongly, 
the  Indians  were  uneasy,  and  military  protection  was  impera- 
tive. Next  year  a  ferry  boat  was  running;  and  on  Nov.  27, 
1850,  Capt.  and  Bvt.  Major  Samuel  Peter  Heintzelman  of  the  2d 
Infantry  arrived  from  San  Diego  with  three  small  companies. 
The  post  he  established  that  winter  was  called  Camp  Inde- 
pendence.    Lt.    George   Hasket    (or   Horatio?)    Derby,    of  the 


YUMA.  147 

any  mishap.     Having  gone  about  a  league  northwest 

Topographical  Engineers,  better  known  as  a  humorist  by  the 
alias  of  John  Phoenix,  sailed  from  San  Francisco  Nov.  1,  1850, 
and  was  up  the  river  in  January,  1851,  then  meeting  Heintzel- 
man.  (See  his  Report,  Reconn.  Gulf  Cala.  and  Col.  R.,  1850- 
51,  Senate  Ex.  Doc.  No.  81,  326.  Cong.  1st  sess.,  June  19,  1852, 
8vo,  pp.  28,  map.)  In  March,  1851,  Camp  Independence  was 
shifted  to  the  site  of  the  old  Spanish  mission  of  1780-81  called 
La  Purisima  Concepcion,  and  thus  was  Camp  Yuma  or  Fort 
Yuma  established.  In  June,  1851,  on  account  of  the  difficulty 
of  getting  supplies  by  wagon  across  the  desert,  the  troops  were 
withdrawn  to  Santa  Isabel  (then  a  shiftless  Indian  village,  with 
a  roofless  church),  except  a  small  guard  left  at  Yuma  under  Lt. 
Thomas  Wm.  Sweeny.  In  Nov.,  1851,  this  guard  was  re-enforced 
by  a  detachment  under  Capt.  Delozier  Davidson,  2d  Infantry, 
but  he  abandoned  Yuma  in  a  few  days,  some  time  in  December, 
owing  to  Indian  troubles,  scurvy,  and  exhausted  supplies,  first 
destroying  some  of  the  stores  and  caching  others.  Major 
Heintzelman  returned  Feb.  29,  1852,  to  rebuild  the  fort  and  per- 
manently establish  a  garrison.  This  consisted  of  the  original 
one,  another  company  of  infantry,  and  two  of  dismounted  dra- 
goons; though  the  latter  remained  only  a  month.  The  Indians 
uncached  the  stores  and  carried  them  off,  together  with  the 
boats,  and  were  troublesome  till  late  that  year,  when  some  sort 
of  peace  was  made.  (See  Heintzelman's  letter  of  July  15,  1853, 
in  Ho.  Rep.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  76,  34th  Cong.,  3d  sess.,  1857;  also, 
on  early  Yuma  annals,  articles  in  Yuma  Sentinel,  May  4,  n, 
18,  25,  1878.)  In  Oct.,  1852,  the  Yumas  are  said  to  have  been 
972  in  number;  on  the  26th,  a  fire  destroyed  much  of  the  fort, 
in  Dec.  an  earthquake  altered  the  river  to  some  extent,  and  that 
month  the  first  steamer,  Uncle  Sam,  which  had  been  brought  to 
the  head  of  the  gulf  and  there  put  together,  reached  Yuma. 
Indian  disturbances  continued  in  1853.  Some  of  Walker's 
filibusters  arrived  in  Apr.,  1854,  and  Capt.  Geo.  H.  Thomas  of 


148  YUMA. 

we  halted  on  the  bank  of  the  river.     We  crossed  this 

the  3d  Artillery  took  command  in  July  of  that  year.  Then  also 
the  steamer  General  Jesup  was  running;  the  steamer  Colorado 
was  put  on  in  1855;  since  which  time  the  navigation  of  the  river 
may  be  considered  to  have  been  established.  The  General 
Jesup,  under  Capt.  Johnson,  ran  for  some  years;  on  Jan.  23, 
1858,  she  ferried  E.  F.  Beale's  party  at  Mojave,  and  left  that  day 
for  Yuma.  Ives'  important  exploration  of  1857-58  is  fully 
noted  elsewhere.  In  Sept.,  1865,  when  I  spent  some  time  at 
Yuma,  it  was  a  flourishing  post,  well  built  on  the  bluff,  in  adap- 
tation to  the  excessive  heat,  which  often  sent  the  mercury  over 
ioo°,  sometimes  to  1200.  One  report  gives  a  mean  annual 
temperature  of  about  76°  F.,  with  a  monthly  mean  of  93°  for 
one  July,  and  a  daily  rise  to  ioo°  for  19  successive  days.  It 
is  of  Yuma,  as  of  the  hottest  place  in  the  United  States,  that 
are  told  the  three  stock  stories;  of  the  dog  that  ran  howling 
on  three  legs  across  the  parade  ground  because  it  burnt  his 
paws,  of  the  soldier  who  died  and  went  to  hell,  but  who  came 
back  for  blankets,  and  of  the  hens  that  laid  hard-boiled  eggs. 
The  egg  story  has  some  foundation  in  the  fact  that  the  mois- 
ture soon  evaporates,  leaving  the  contents  sodden  and  sticky. 
But  the  air  is  so  dry  that  the  highest  temperature  is  borne  with 
comparative  ease,  if  one  keeps  out  of  the  sun.  I  often  went 
shooting,  and  have  suffered  more  from  the  heat  in  Washington, 
New  York,  and  Quebec  than  I  did  at  Yuma.  Fort  Yuma  was 
turned  over  to  the  Interior  Department  by  Executive  Order  of 
January  9,  1884;  the  military  reservation  was  thus  disposed  of 
under  Act  of  July  5,  1884,  and  by  ruling  of  March  5,  1892,  became 
part  of  the  Yuma  Indian  reservation. 

The  identity  of  Fort  Yuma  with  the  site  of  La  Purisima  Con- 
cepcion,  the  pueblo-presidio-mission  founded  in  1780  and  de- 
stroyed by  massacre  in  July,  1781,  is  established  in  the  letter  of 
Major  Heintzelman  above  cited.  I  would  quote  it  extensively, 
but  it  is  too  full  of  historical  errors:  for  example,  he  says  that 


YUMA.  I49 

river    (where   it   was)    divided    into   three   branches 

"  Pedro  "  Garces  and  Father  Kino!  founded  the  mission,  that 
it  lasted  7  or  8  years,  etc.  But  some  portions  of  the  letter,  de- 
scribing what  was  within  the  writer's  knowledge,  are  extremely 
interesting.     I  extract  as  follows,  pp.  34,  35: 

"A  little  east  of  north  from  here  [Fort  Yuma],  45  miles  on 
the  top  of  a  ridge  of  barren  mountains,  is  a  detached  rock, 
several  hundred  feet  high,  resembling  a  dome  [i.  e.,  Castle 
Dome]  .  .  .  and  in  a  direction  west  of  north  about  18  miles 
distant,  on  another  range  of  similar  mountains,  rises  a  solitary 
rock,  500  feet  high,  which  we  here  call  Chimney  Peak  .  .  . 
The  Colorado  winds  its  way  between  these  two  ranges,  runs 
south  along  the  base  of  the  hill  we  are  on,  then  turns  short  to 
the  west,  through  this  cleft,  for  nearly  seven  miles,  giving  us 
both  banks  for  that  distance,  and  turns  again  more  to  the 
south,  and  finds  its  way  to  the  Gulf.  .  . 

"  When  we  occupied  this  point  the  rough  stone  foundations  of 
the  houses,  with  their  earthen  ruins,  could  be  clearly  traced. 
The  buildings  appear  to  have  been  of  mud,  between  upright 
poles  or  forks,  to  support  the  roof.  The  charred  ends  we  dug 
up,  with  the  remains  of  a  copper,  urn-shaped  vessel,  of  the 
capacity  of  about  a  quart.  There  were  eight  or  ten  buildings, 
fifteen  or  twenty  feet,  nearly  square,  irregularly  placed,  cover- 
ing an  area  of  about  an  acre,  and  including  the  site  of  the 
present  commanding  officer's  quarters.  It  was  an  excellent 
position  for  defence  against  Indians;  the  only  point  above  it 
being  beyond  the  range  of  arrows,  and  commanding  a  fine 
view  of  the  surrounding  country.  During  the  high  water  a 
broad  slough,  in  the  rear  of  the  post,  is  filled,  and  cuts  off  all 
communication  with  the  main  land,  except  by  the  means  of 
boats.  On  a  detached  sandy  plateau,  above  the  rise  of  the  river, 
near  Hut-ta-mi-ne,  are  also  the  ruins  of  an  old  Spanish  estab- 
lishment." 

In  the  course  of  the  foregoing  Major  Heintzelman   speaks 


150  YUMA. 

(brazos);  its  width  I  judged  would  be  400  varas,81 

of  one  Jose  Maria  Ortega,  founder  of  the  Concepcion  "  pre- 
sidio "  as  son  of  Don  Francisco  Ortega,  commandant  "  of 
the  expedition  of  the  discoverers  of  Alta  California";  also  of 
Martinez  Ortega  (brother  of  Joachim  Ortega,  both  living  in 
1853  at  Santa  Maria,  Cal.)  as  a  child  three  years  of  age  at  the 
time  of  the  massacre.  I  know  nothing  of  these  names  in  the 
present  connection.  Mr.  Hodge  informs  me  that  there  was  a 
ranch  owned  by  Don  Jose  Maria  Ortega,  7^  leagues  west  of 
Santa  Isabel,  S.  Cala.,  visited  by  Whipple  in  1849,  this  being 
evidently  private  claim  514  on  the  G.  L.  O.  map  of  California. 
(See  Schoolcraft,  ii,  pp.  101,  102.) 

This  identity  of  Concepcion  with  Yuma  is  also  evident  from 
Bartlett's  Narrative,  ii,  p.  161 :  "  Close  by  Fort  Yuma  the  traces 
of  the  old  Spanish  Mission  buildings  may  still  be  seen  [June 
16,  1852].  These  consist  of  partly  demolished  stone  walls  of  old 
buildings;  though  a  few  years  since  the  walls  of  a  church  were 
also  visible.  At  the  time  of  our  visit  these  had  been  removed, 
and  used  for  building  the  barracks.  There  were  200  soldiers, 
artillery  and  infantry,  here,  under  the  command  of  Major 
Heintzelman."  This  garrison  was  then  still  cantoned  in  tents. 
Thus  the  identity  of  the  two  establishments  extends  to  incor- 
poration of  some  of  the  building  materials  of  the  old  one  in 
the  new. 

"The  Spanish  vara  in  Mexico  is  32.9927  inches;  it  is  taken  in 
California  at  33  inches,  in  Texas  at  33  1-3  inches.  Garces  judged 
the  river  to  be  about  366  yards  wide.  Font  gives  the  particu- 
lars of  crossing  the  river,  in  substance  as  follows.  We  broke 
camp  at  9.00  a.  m.  and  the  whole  expedition  made  the  ford  at 
1. 00  p.  m.  without  any  special  mishap.  Camped  on  the  other 
side,  having  come  a  short  league  north.  The  width  of  the 
river  where  we  crossed  I  judged  to  be  300  to  400  varas,  and 
this  is  at  its  lowest;  when  it  overflows  it  is  some  leagues  wide. 
It  was  lucky  to  find  the  river  here  divided  into  three  arms,  so 


YUMA.  151 

and  at  this  time  it  was  very  low,  but  when  it  is 
swollen  it  extends  for  leagues. 

that  the  crossing  was  facilitated,  which  otherwise  would  have 
been  difficult.  The  first  branch  was  wide  and  deep;  the  second, 
not  so  deep,  and  more  contracted;  the  third  was  deep  and  much 
wider  than  the  first.  All  the  people  got  over  safely,  though 
there  might  have  been  trouble,  because  the  beasts  were  swim- 
ming before  they  got  through.  One  person  took  a  different 
course,  as  if  he  had  no  fear  of  the  river,  and  soon  went  under 
so  far  that  the  water  washed  away  a  blanket  and  some  coritas, 
and  he  let  go  a  child  he  was  carrying;  but  the  Virgin  wanted  us 
to  get  over  without  anything  worse  than  a  wetting;  for  the 
water  came  up  to  the  horses'  backs,  though  they  were  tall  ones, 
like  my  own,  and  I  was  wet  up  to  the  knees.  The  three  pack 
trains  crossed  in  four  sections,  thus  lightening  each  pack  by 
one-third,  and  thus  the  whole  beef-herd,  horse-herd,  and  pack- 
mules  went  over  with  felicity,  except  that  my  pack  was  wetted, 
in  which  were  the  holy  oils  and  ornaments;  for  they  made  so 
little  of  me,  and  of  anything  I  said,  though  I  charged  the  mule- 
teers to  take  care  not  to  wet  this  pack,  and  supplicated  the 
senor  comandante  to  the  same  effect,  perhaps  on  this  very 
account  was  my  pack  the  less  cared  for.  Three  Yumas  took  Padre 
Garces  over  on  their  shoulders,  two  by  his  head  and  one  at  his 
feet,  stretched  out  stiff,  face  upward,  like  a  corpse.  I  crossed  on 
horseback,  and  as  I  was  sick,  with  my  head  dizzy,  three  naked 
servants  went  with  me,  one  in  front,  leading  the  horse,  and  one 
on  each  side  to  keep  me  from  falling  off.  The  whole  train  was 
so  large  that  it  took  three  hours  to  cross,  and  in  order  to  dry 
ourselves  we  stopped  on  the  very  bank  of  the  river.  .  .  In 
the  afternoon  the  senor  comandante  went  with  Padre  Garces 
and  Padre  Thomas  to  Palma's  residence,  to  see  where  to  build 
a  shed  or  hut  for  the  habitation  of  said  padres,  who  were  going 
to  stay  on  the  Colorado  to  catechise  the  Yumans  and  explore 
the  minds  of  other  nations,  etc. 


152         NOTE  ON  RIO  DE  SAN  PEDRO. 


Note  transferred  from  p.  /jg. 

n  Present  name  of  one  of  the  two  principal  tributaries  of  the 
Gila  from  the  south,  the  other  being  Rio  Santa  Cruz.  The  San 
Pedro  appears  to  have  been  so  called  from  a  place  of  that  name, 
otherwise  Casas  de  San  Pedro,  near  its  head,  just  over  the 
Sonoran  border,  about  lat.  31  °  18',  near  long.  uo°.  This  is 
an  obscure  spot  in  the  vicinity  of  the  old  Spanish  Presidio 
de  Terrenate.  There  was  another  San  Pedro,  lower  down  the 
river,  in  Arizona,  vicinity  of  our  modern  Camp  Wallen  and 
Camp  Huachuca;  and  yet  another  application  of  the  name  to 
some  mines  still  further  down  the  river.  No  San  Pedro  appears 
on  Kino's  map  in  this  connection,  nor  on  Venegas'  of  1757;  so 
I  suppose  all  these  names  to  be  post-Kinotic.  In  his  time  the 
name  of  the  river  was  Rio  de  Quipuri,  or  Quiburi,  so  called 
from  a  then  better  known  place  in  the  vicinity  of  present  Tomb- 
stone, Ariz.  It  may  be  noted  that  a  place  called  San  Pablo  de 
Quipuri  existed  in  Kino's  time;  and  that  Peter  and  Paul  were 
so  often  paired  off  by  their  devotees  that  their  names  were 
sometimes  transposed.  "  Kino  passo  a  San  Pablo  de  Quipuri," 
Dec.  10,  1696;  again  Nov.  9,  1697,  "  Kino  llego  a  San  Pablo  de 
Quiburi,"  and  therefrom  "  siguiendo  las  orillas  del  mismo  rio 
Quiburi"  he  reached  the  Gila:  Apost.  Afan.,  pp.  266-68.  In 
fact,  the  San  Pedro  or  Quiburi  was  a  highway  from  Sonora  into 
Arizona  in  those  early  days  and  had  been  traveled  as 
such  since  1539-42,  when  Friar  Marcos  and  the  Coronado  expe- 
dition took  that  route  to  Cibola,  and  one  writer  of  the  journey, 
Jaramillo,  named  it  Rio  Nexpa.  The  place  on  it  above  called 
San  Pablo  de  Quipuri  also  figures  later  (about  1702)  as  San 
Ignacio  Guibori,  in  Doc.  para  Hist.  Mex.,  4th  ser.,  v,  p.  136. 
The  course  of  the  river  is  approx.  parallel  with  that  of 
the  Santa  Cruz,  a  similar  highway;  the  two  are  separated 
by  the  Santa  Catalina,  Santa  Rita,  and  some  lesser  mountain 
ranges.     Entering  Arizona  near  long.  uo°,  just  E.  of  the  Hua- 


NOTE   ON    RIO   DE   SAN    PEDRO.  1 53 

chuca  mts.,  the  river  runs  N.  with  a  little  inclination  westward 
through  Cochise  co.,  Ariz.,  cuts  off  a  small  N.  E.  corner  of 
Pima  co.,  continues  between  the  Santa  Catalina  and  "  Galiuro  " 
ranges,  is  joined  by  Arivaipa  creek  at  Camp  Grant,  and  joins 
the  Gila  at  Dudleyville,  Pinal  co.  The  name  "  Galiuro  "  is  a 
curiosity;  as  Bandelier  says,  Final  Rep.,  ii,  1892,  p.  473,  "  it  can 
be  traced  on  the  maps,  through  Salitre,  Calitre,  Calitro.  to 
Galiuro." 


CHAPTER   IV. 

DOWN    RIO    COLORADO    FROM    YUMA    TO    THE    GULF    AND 
RETURN,    DECEMBER,    1775- 

Dec.  i.  We  went — the  sefior  comandante,  Padre 
Tomas  (Eisarc),  and  I — with  some  muleteers  (arri- 
eros)  to  the  house  of  Captain  Palma,  which  was  dis- 
tant from  the  place  where  we  had  halted  about  one 
league  westward,  for  the  purpose  of  building  the  hut 
(xacal)  1  which  had  to  serve  as  our  habitation  until 
the  return  of  the  expedition.  This  evening  Captain 
Palma  put  on  the  clothes  which  the  sefior  viceroy  had 
presented  to  him  in  recognition  of  the  good  services 
he  has  rendered  to  the  Espafloles.2     This  same  even- 

1  Aztec  or  Nahuatl  xacalli  (xalli,  sand;  calli,  house,  probably 
for  the  reason  that  it  was  originally  a  form  of  dugout  or  a 
brush  shelter  covered  with  sand  or  earth  for  temporary  use). 
The  term  xacal  or  jacal  is  now  applied  to  a  low  structure,  made 
of  brush  or  thatch  usually  closed  on  three  sides,  and  sometimes 
covered  with  earth.  It  is  the  typical  house  shelter  of  the  Yuma, 
Seri,  and  other  southwestern  Indians.  Among  the  Pima  and 
Papago  the  houses,  although  thatched,  are  much  more  elabo- 
rately finished  and  are  more  permanent  in  character. — F.  W.  H. 

1  Some  further  information  relating  to  this  episode  is  rendered 
in  the  postscript  which  Garces'  scholiast  appends  to  the  Diary 


CAPTAIN    PALMA.  I  55 

ing  came  four  Jalchedun  women  with  one  man,  say- 
ing on  behalf  of  their  nation  that  already  was  it  de- 

(see  beyond).  The  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico, 
ser.  i,  tomo  vi,  pub.  Mexico,  1854,  contains  the  Diario  Curioso 
de  Mexico  de  D.  Jose  Gomez,  Cabo  de  Alabarderos,  on  p.  11  of 
which  is  the  following  choice  bit:  "  El  dia  4  de  Noviembre  de 

1776  en  Mexico,  en  el  real  palacio,  el  Sr.  virey  D.  Antonio  Maria 
Bucareli;  y  Urzua  dio  el  baston  de  capitan  a  un  indio  meco,  y 
por  bien  le  hizo  poner  un  vestido  de  uniforme  azul  con  vuelta 
encarnada,  la  chupa  galeonada  de  oro:  este  indio  se  llamaba  el 
capitan  Palma,  no  tenia  otro  nombre  porque  no  era  cristiano: 
no  se  sabe  cuando  se  bautizara:  y  fue  en  lunes  el  dia  de  San 
Carlos."     And  on  p.  17  the  following:  "  El  dia  13  Febrero  de 

1777  en  Mexico,  en  el  Sagrario  de  la  santa  iglesia,  se  bauti- 
zaron  cinco  indios  mecos,  y  entre  ellos  uno  que  era  el  capitan 
Palma,  y  les  pusieron  los  nombres  de  Carlos,  y  fue  su  padrino 
.  .  .  y  fue  en  jueves."  Here  we  have  the  date  of  the  noble 
Yuman's  investiture  with  the  baton  cf  authority,  likewise  with 
a  blue  coat  faced  with  red,  and  waistcoat  trimmed  with  gold, 
also  the  date  of  his  baptism,  etc.  These,  however,  were  events 
after  1775,  and  we  have  only  to  turn  ,in  the  present  instance  to 
Font,  whose  Diary  for  to-day  has  some  particulars  very  much 
to  the  point  regarding  the  same  amiable  savage:  "  Captain 
Palma  appeared  in  the  uniform  which  had  been  given  to  him  on 
the  part  of  the  most  excellent  sehor  Virrey  (Bucareli),  con- 
sisting of  a  shirt,  trousers,  waistcoat  yellow  in  front  with  some 
trimmings,  coat  or  cloak  of  blue  cloth  laced,  and  black  velvet 
cap  adorned  with  false  gems,  and  a  plume  a  modo  de  Palma. 
This  captain  is  called  Palma  on  account  of  the  friendship  that 
in  past  times  he  had  with  a  majordomo  of  the  mission  of 
Caborca  whose  name  was  Palma,  and  which  name  he  took; 
and  he  is  called  Salvador  because  he  was  given  this  name  by 
the  Indian  Sebastian  Tarabel  when  the  latter  came  from  Cali- 
fornia to  Sonora,  and  was  detained  for  some  days  in  the  house 


I56  VARIOUS  INCIDENTS. 

termined,  from  the  message  that  we  had  sent  to  them, 
to  make  peace  with  the  Yumas.  Here  ensued  this 
night  a  great  joke  (chiste).  Asking  the  Jalchedun 
of  affairs  in  his  country,  he  told  us  that  there  was  in 
his  land  a  man  who  had  fled  from  the  new  Conver- 
sions of  Californias; 3  that  this  man  had  been  killed 

of  said  captain.  The  seiior  comandante  brought  the  clothes 
on  behalf  of  the  Viceroy,  and  gave  them  to  Palma  this  night, 
and  made  him  put  them  on  in  his  (Anza's)  tent,  without  our 
concurrence,  or  letting  us  know  anything  about  it;  for  he  is 
so  fond  of  keeping  to  himself  all  his  actions,  and  setting  him- 
self up  in  the  opinion  of  others,  that  he  will  let  nobody  else  have 
a  hand  in  his  affairs,  nor  admit  to  his  presence  anyone  who 
might  in  any  way  attract  the  attention  of  the  people  he  wants  to 
keep  for  himself.  So,  though  it  would  have  been  more  regular 
for  the  presentation  of  glass  beads  and  tobacco  which  he  brought 
for  the  gentiles  in  the  name  of  his  majesty  to  have  been  made 
to  the  Indians  at  the  hands  of  we  three  padres  who  accompa- 
nied the  expedition,  in  order  to  exalt  their  minds,  since  in  the 
end  the  religious  have  to  be  their  ministers,  and  the  Indians  are 
inclined  to  recognize  those  who  make  them  presents;  never- 
theless, the  sefior  comandante  always  made  such  distributions 
with  his  own  hand,  and  would  never  let  us  do  it,  and  not  once 
on  the  whole  journey  did  he  ask  me  if  I  wanted  a  string  of 
beads  to  give  to  some  Indian,  excepting  when  we  were  return- 
ing, in  the  mission  of  San  Luis  (Obispo),  where  he  gave  me  a 
few  strings  for  which  I  begged." — Let  us  sympathize  with  poor 
Font,  snubbed  and  abused,  truculent  and  jealous,  while  we  ad- 
mire the  discipline  enforced  in  all  things,  great  and  small,  by 
the  model  commanding  officer  Anza. 

s  The  new  conversions  of  California  were  the  missions  which 
had  recently  been  established,  namely:  1.  San  Diego  de  Alcala, 


A    GREAT    WIZARD.  157 

and  burned  by  the  nations  through  which  he  passed, 
but  that  he  had  managed  to  come  to  life  again  in 
some  mysterious  manner  (tenia  havilidud  de  volverse 
remolino);  that  he  carried  with  him  a  viper,  and  finally 
that  he  was  a  great  sorcerer,  and  that  he  was  killing 
the  Jalchedunes;  in  consequence  of  which  they  were 
in  great  terror.  The  sefior  comandante  was  some- 
what mortified  notwithstanding  the  great  patience 
which  he  expends  upon  Indians,  worthy  to  be  imitated 
by  all  who  devote  themselves  to  such  enterprises.  I 
begged  him  for  a  few  glass  beads,  which  I  gave  them 
(these  Jalchedunes).4 

July  16,  1769;  2.  San  Carlos  de  Monterey,  June  3,  1770;  3-  San 
Antonio  de  Padua,  July  14,  1771;  4.  San  Gabriel  Arcangel,  Sept 
8,  1771;  5.  San  Luis  Obispo,  Sept.  1,  1772.  These  are  fully 
noted  beyond. 

*  While  Garces  was  thinking  of  such  things,  for  his  heart  was 
in  his  missionary  work,  Padre  Font,  who  had  no  stomach  for 
anything  but  theology,  continued  full  of  trouble  on  this  Dec. 
1,  and  spreads  it  upon  his  pages.  He  proposed  to  Anza  to  take 
a  geodetic  observation,  but  Anza  would  not  let  him,  he  says, 
because  Anza  did  not  wish  observations  to  be  made  in  Font's 
name;  and  lest  it  should  be  said  that  Font  made  them,  Anza 
always  assisted  in  the  operation,  and  would  never  let  Font  have 
possession  of  the  instrument  which  Bucareli  had  sent,  or  do 
anything  to  enable  Font  to  obey  the  orders  he  had  received, 
etc.  So  to-day,  as  Anza  could  not  assist  in  the  operation,  be- 
cause he  was  busy  helping  to  build  Garces'  hut,  he  told  Font 
that  the  observation  could  be  taken  next  day.  Then  there  was 
also  trouble  about  a  certain  musical  instrument.  From  the 
time  Anza  went  through  Font's  mission  of  San  Jose  de  Pimas, 


358  FATHER    FONT'S    TROUBLES. 

Dec.  2.  I  continued  the  building  of  the  hut  with 
the  sefior  comandante;  the  Indians  assisted  some- 
he  persisted  in  carrying  this  instrument,  persuading  Font  that 
the  psaltery  would  be  very  convenient  to  attract  the  Indians, 
especially  the  festive  Yumas,  and  though  Font  strongly  objected 
to  this,  for  fear  the  instrument  should  be  lost  on  so  long  a  jour- 
ney, yet  he  had  to  condescend  to  Anza's  importunities;  and 
then,  after  Font  had  taken  it  along  with  detriment  enough, 
Anza  never  said  anything  about  it,  nor  wished  to  hear  it,  nor 
would  let  the  people  assemble  in  Font's  tent  for  music — and  all 
the  while  Font  was  carrying  the  useless  thing  along  without 
being  able  to  try  it  on  the  Yumas  or  anybody  else — it  was 
really  quite  too  awful!  Then  again,  Anza  wanted  to  finish  the 
hut  in  one  day,  but  no,  that  could  not  be  done;  and  to-night, 
after  supper,  Font  asked  him  if  they  were  going  to  start  next 
day,  and  Anza  said  no.  So  Font  begged  him  that,  as  they  were 
to  be  detained  another  day,  he  would  order  camp  shifted  to  the 
place  where  the  hut  was  building,  to  escape  the  inconvenience 
to  which  they  were  subjected  from  dust  and  wind,  which  were 
such  that  no  cooking  could  be  done;  but  Anza  condescended 
not  to  this  supplication,  etc.  Again,  Font  asked  him  in  what 
sort  of  a  fix  Padres  Garces  and  Eixarch  were  going  to  be  left 
on  that  river,  among  gentiles,  with  no  escort,  and  other  ques- 
tions that  he  wished  answered.  Then  Anza  got  very  hot,  and 
wanted  to  know  whose  business  that  was,  saying  that  he  did 
not  have  to  give  Font  reasons  for  anything  he  did;  that  he  was 
already  doing  more  than  he  was  obliged  to  in  building  the  hut, 
as  he  had  no  orders  to  that  effect;  and  that  it  was  none  of  his 
affair  to  look  out  for  the  way  in  which  the  padres  had  to  live 
on  the  Colorado,  for  they  had  come  of  their  own  account,  in 
fact  had  asked  to  be  sent,  without  being  ordered  to  do  so  by 
the  viceroy,  and  so,  having  chosen  to  come,  they  could  look 
out  for  themselves.  Font  admitted  that  there  was  some  force 
in  this,  and  Anza  finally  told  him  that  the  three  interpreters, 


THE   SUBJECT    CONTINUED.  1 59 

what,  and  to  those  who  worked  were  given  beads. 
This  day  was  distributed  tobacco  to  all  the  Yumas 
and  beads  to  all  the  women  who  assembled. 

two  muleteers,  and  two  servants  should  stay  with  the  padres. 
But  the  three  interpreters  were  three  useless  Indians,  good  for 
nothing,  not  even  as  interpreters,  because  their  Spanish  was  so 
bad.  One  of  the  muleteers  was  the  Indian  Sebastian  Tarabel, 
who  had  already  accompanied  Garces  on  former  travels,  and 
the  other  was  a  boy  who  had  come  along  with  a  soldier,  and 
served  Eixarch  faithfully,  and  was  the  only  one  who  was  good 
for  anything,  though  he  got  no  pay  for  his  services,  as  the  sehor 
comandante  said  that  the  boy  was  none  of  his  to  look  out  for. 
The  two  servants  were  one  of  them  a  worthless  young  fellow 
who  had  volunteered  to  go  with  Garces,  for  whom  he  did  noth- 
ing, and  from  the  Colorado  went  back  to  Sonora,  and  the 
other  a  small  boy  whom  Eixarch  had  brought  along  to  take 
care  of  his  horse.  Font  says  that  he  notes  all  this  that  it  may 
not  remain  unknown  what  commonly  happens  on  such  expedi- 
tions in  dealing  with  los  sehores  comandantes,  and  to  shed 
light  on  what  ought  to  be  assured  from  the  start,  without 
trusting  to  promises  and  smooth  words,  as  Garces  did,  who 
having  confided  in  the  general  offers  Anza  made  him,  found 
out  afterward  that  they  were  not  fulfilled  in  particulars;  seeing 
as  how  these  sefiores  who  command  such  expeditions  have 
nobody  over  them  to  contend  with,  and  are  so  absolute  that 
there  is  need  of  real  patience  in  putting  up  with  them,  etc.  The 
unhappy  padre,  whose  tale  of  woe  is  thus  recorded,  concludes 
for  the  day  by  citing  the  Venerable  Padre  Fray  Antonio  Margil 
de  Jesus  (1655-1726),  who  seems  to  have  known  how  it  was  him- 
self, for  he  used  to  say:  A  militibus  libera  nos,  Domine!  To  do 
Font  justice,  he  must  have  rubbed  his  chin  with  an  afterthought, 
for  he  adds  in  the  margin  the  saving  clause,  Bien  que  no  hay  regla 
sin  exception. 


l60       RATIONS    ISSUED   TO    GARCES    AND    EISARC. 

Dec.  3.  The  hut  was  finished,  and  the  expedition 
arrived  on  this  spot.  The  sefior  comandante  issued 
to  Padre  Fray  Tomas  and  to  me  what  was  allowed 
us  for  our  subsistence.5 

5  Dec.  3  was  Sunday,  and  Font's  Diary  is  much  more  explicit. 
"  The  commanding  officer  determined  to  do  as  I  begged  him 
on  the  1st,  but  not  out  of  respect  to  my  petition,  or  moved  by 
my  supplication.  Padre  Thomas  said  mass,  and  we  all  attended; 
after  which  we  moved  from  the  bank  of  the  river  Colorado  at 
10.30  a.  m.,  and  at  noon  reached  the  rancheria  of  Captain  Pablo, 
having  marched  a  matter  of  a  league  west  one  quarter  south- 
west [see  map.  camp  marks  "40"  to  "41"].  The  rest  of  the 
day  was  occupied  in  finishing  the  hut,  and  though  it  was  not 
quite  done,  it  was  put  in  fair  shape,  and  the  padres  were  satis- 
fied with  what  was  given  them  for  their  two  selves  and  the 
seven  persons  who  stayed  with  them,  which  was:  one  tercio  of 
tobacco;  two  boxes  of  beads;  one  arroba  [25  lbs.]  of  chocolate; 
one  arroba  of  sugar;  one  arroba  of  lard;  five  oxen;  three  tercios 
of  jerked  beef;  one  carga  [about  4  bushels]  of  beans;  one  carga 
of  coarse  flour;  a  little  fine  flour;  one  almud  [from  sl/2  to  n 
pints]  of  peas;  a  box  of  biscuit;  three  hams;  six  cheeses;  one 
frying  pan;  one  other  pan;  one  ax;  twelve  cakes  of  soap;  twelve 
wax  candles;  and  one  jug  of  wine,  with  which  they  could  not  say 
mass,  for  it  was  so  bad  that  it  neither  looked  nor  tasted  like 
wine,  and  they  had  to  send  to  Caborca  for  some.  This  was 
something,  but  not  much  for  nine  mouths,  and  the  time  they 
had  to  wait  for  more  provisions,  on  the  return  of  the  expedi- 
tion." At  night  Padre  Font  sent  for  Captains  Palma  and  Pablo 
to  come  to  his  tent,  and  exhorted  them  to  take  good  care  of  the 
two  padres,  promising  to  report  them  favorably  to  the  king  if 
they  behaved  themselves,  etc.  To  all  of  which  they  replied 
that  Font  need  have  no  fear;  that  since  Palma  had  received  his 
baton   and   uniform    he   represented    Captain    Don   Juan    (Riv- 


DEPARTURE    OF    THE    EXPEDITION.  l6l 

Dec.  4.     The  expedition  went  on  its  destination,* 
and  there  remained  in  our  company  six  persons — two 

era  y  Moncada,  lieutenant-governor  of  California),  and  would 
be  a  father  to  the  padres,  etc.,  and  Pablo  chimed  in  that  if  any- 
one tried  to  rob  or  hurt  the  padres,  he  would  kill  them.  Upon 
which  the  padre  responded  that  neither  he,  Font,  nor  God, 
wanted  any  killing  done,  for  that  would  not  be  right;  but 
if  anybody  hurt  the  padres,  to  catch  him  and  give  him  a  thrash- 
ing. This  suited  Pablo  so  well  that  he  lay  on  the  ground  with 
his  arms  and  legs  stretched  out,  and  said  very  impressively, 
"  Ajot,  ajot,"  which  means  "  Bueno,  bueno."  During  Font's 
speech  Anza  sent  for  Palma,  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  get 
him  away  from  the  padre's  tent,  for  it  did  not  suit  him  to  have 
anyone  talk  to  the  Indians,  especially  to  captains,  or  give  them 
any  instructions;  and  in  order  to  entertain  the  Indians  he  got 
up  a  dance  for  them  by  the  light  of  the  fire  in  front  of  his  tent, 
so  that  Font  had  no  chance  to  say  anything  more. 

*  Font's  Diary  for  the  4th,  on  the  departure  of  the  expedition, 
is  specially  interesting,  as  it  clearly  indicates  the  topography. 
Having  said  mass  in  the  hut,  and  taken  leave  of  his  compadres, 
he  left  Palma's  rancheria  at  9.30  a.  m.,  and  at  2.30  p.  m.  was  near 
a  laguna  where  Pablo  had  his  rancheria,  one  league  below  the 
Cerro  de  San  Pablo,  having  gone  some  5  leagues  west  one  quar- 
ter southwest.  Soon  after  breaking  camp  he  forded  an  arm  of 
the  Colorado,  which  was  given  off  a  good  way  higher  up,  and 
here  joined  the  river.  About  one  league  from  camp  he  came 
to  the  Puerto  de  la  Concepcion,  a  strait  between  two  low  hills 
through  which  the  now  united  Gila  and  Colorado  flowed.  He 
stopped  awhile  to  look  at  the  very  extensive  lowlands  which 
stretched  before  him,  and  through  which  the  river  ran,  as  it 
seemed  to  him  from  eastnortheast  to  westsouthwest;  and  at  the 
northeast,  some  ten  leagues  off,  was  descried  the  Cabeza  del 
Gigante,  which  the  Indians  call  Bauquiburi,  a  great  round  peak 
in  the  rough  sierra  between  the  Gila  and  Colorado;  while  to  the 


l62        GARCES  PREPARES  TO  FOLLOW. 

Espanoles,  one  little  boy,  and  three  interpreters  on 
account  of  the  expedition — and  another  Indian  that 
Serior  Don  Bernardo  Urrea  let  me  have. 

Dec.  5.  Seeing  that  the  occasion  was  very  pro- 
pitious for  visiting  the  nations  of  the  Rio  Colorado 
down  to  the  disemboguement,  and  investigating  their 
willingness  to  be  catechised,  which  is  what  the  senor 
viceroy  ordered  me  (to  do),  I  determined  to  depart 
for  this  purpose.  I  set  apart  what  there  was  where- 
north,  three  or  four  leagues  off,  was  the  other  peak  called 
Pefiasca  de  la  Campana,  surmounting  another  rough  sierra, 
the  Cerro  de  San  Pablo,  by  whose  base  the  river  runs,  etc.  The 
road,  though  mostly  level,  was  toilsome,  being  so  overgrown 
with  brush  that  in  many  places  only  a  narrow  trail  could  be 
found,  and  for  the  most  part  so  choked  with  mezquite,  screw 
mezquite  and  other  growths,  among  them  one  called  cachanilla, 
that  the  expedition  only  got  along  with  much  delay  and  the 
loss  of  some  animals. 

No  one  familiar  with  the  scenery  about  Fort  Yuma  can  fail 
to  recognize  the  fidelity  of  this  description.  On  the  west,  the 
Cerro  de  San  Pablo  is  the  range  capped  by  Chimney  Rock  (La 
Campana)  to  the  north,  and  ending  on  the  south  at  Pilot  Knob; 
while  much  further  northeast  rises  Castle  Dome,  or  Giant's 
Head  (Cabeza  del  Gigante  or  Bauquiburi).  From  Palma's 
rancheria  to  Pablo's  was  five  leagues;  Palma's  was  one  league 
above  Puerto  de  Concepcion  and  Pablo's  was  one  league  below 
the  ending  of  Cerro  de  San  Pablo  in  Pilot  Knob,  leaving  three 
leagues  between  Yuma  and  Pilot  Knob,  which  is  just  about 
right.  The  identification  of  Pilot  Knob  with  the  end  of  Cerro 
San  Pablo  is  assured;  for  Font's  Diary  of  the  5th  says  that  here 
cl  rio  da  una  quinada  quasi  al  sur  (takes  a  turn  about  south). 


GARCES    DEPARTS    FROM    YUMA.  163 

with  to  make  them  presents,  and  taking  in  my  com- 
pany the  Indian  Sevastian  Taraval  and  the  other  two 
interpreters  I  departed,  after  taking  leave  of  my  well- 
beloved  companion  padre.  Having  traveled  five 
leagues  westsouthwest  I  halted  in  the  first  Ran- 
cherias  de  San  Pablo.7  I  talked  to  them,  and  ex- 
hibited the  linen  print  of  Maria  Santisima  and  the 
lost  soul.     They  told  me  that  she  was  a  nice  lady, 

T  This  was  a  Cuchan  (Yuman)  rancheria  the  native  name  of 
which,  if  it  had  one,  is  unknown,  but  the  position  of  which  is 
fixed  within  a  league  of  Pilot  Knob,  the  prominent  landmark 
already  mentioned,  on  the  right  side  of  the  Colorado,  some 
seven  miles  west  of  Fort  Yuma,  and  nearly  on  the  present  boun- 
dary of  Lower  California.  The  rancheria  is  also  called  Laguna 
de  San  Pablo,  or  Laguna  del  Capitan  Pablo,  apparently  from 
the  similarity  of  the  names  of  the  Yuman  Indian  and  of  the 
mountain  range  Garces  called  Cerro  de  San  Pablo,  ending  at 
Pilot  Knob  near  the  rancheria.  I  also  believe  this  place  to  be 
identical,  or  nearly  so,  with  the  site  of  the  subsequent  presidio- 
pueblo-mission  of  San  Pablo  y  San  Pedro  de  Bicuher,  which 
was  founded  in  the  fall  of  1780,  and  shared  the  sad  fate  of  La 
Concepcion  July  17,  1781.  The  location  has  been  much  dis- 
cussed, as  it  seems  to  me  with  needless  uncertainty,  and  too 
great  insistence  upon  the  discrepancies  found  in  the  mileages  of 
several  writers.  It  was  some  eight  or  ten  miles  below  Fort 
Yuma,  about  a  league  south  of  Pilot  Knob,  and  thus  so  near 
the  boundary  between  California  Alta  and  Baja  as  to  have 
occasioned  some  question  whether  the  Franciscans  or  Domini- 
cans had  the  better  right'  there.  This  Californian  San  Pablo  y 
San  Pedro,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Colorado,  is  of  course  to  be 
distinguished  from  each  of  the  two  places,  the  one  called  San 
Pablo   and  the  other   San    Pedro,   which   Kino   named  on   the 


164  LAGUNA    DE    SANTA    OLALLA. 

that  sefiora;  that  the  lost  soul  was  very  bad;  that 
they  were  not  such  fools  as  not  to  know  that  up  in 
heaven  above  are  the  good  people,  and  down  under 
the  ground  are  the  bad  ones,  the  dogs,  and  the  very 
ugly  wild  beasts;  and  that  this  they  knew  to  be  a 
fact  because  the  Pimas  had  told  them  so.  I  laid  be- 
fore them  the  proposition,  whether  they  wished  that 
Espanoles  and  padres  should  come  to  live  in  their 
land,  and  they  answered  "  Yes,"  that  they  should  then 
be  well  content,  for  then  they  would  have  meat  and 
clothing.  I  gave  them  some  tobacco  and  glass  beads, 
with  which  they  were  much  pleased. 

Dec.  6.  I  went  10  leagues  southwest,  though  in 
order  to  visit  various  rancherias  I  changed  it  (this 
course)  now  west,  now  south,  and  arrived  at  the  La- 
guna  de  Santa  Olalla,8  where  I  met  the  sefior  coman- 

south  side  of  the  Gila,  and  which  have  never  been  identified, 
if  they  ever  existed  except  in  name. 

Pilot  Knob  is  notable,  among  other  things,  as  the  locality  of 
a  certain  Fort  Defiance,  a  stone  structure  built  in  1849  or  1850 
by  some  Americans  in  connection  with  a  ferry  which  had  been 
established  in  that  vicinity.  The  name  of  the  fort  appears  only 
on  Derby's  map,  among  the  many  I  have  examined  on  this 
point.  There  was  trouble  here,  owing  to  the  behavior  of  the 
whites,  ending  in  the  massacre  of  a  dozen  or  more  of  them  by 
the  Yumas.  Accounts  of  the  affair  which  have  reached  us  are 
confusing:  compare,  for  example,  Bartlett's  Narr.,  ii,  pp.  174- 
176,  and  Bancroft,  Hist.  Ariz,  and  N.  M.,  p.  487.  The  existence 
of  Fort  Defiance  was  brief,  and  it  never  became  well  known. 

*  Otherwise  Santa  Olaya,  as  on  some  representations  of  Font's 


LAGUNA  DE  SANTA  OLALLA.         1 65 

dante,  Padre  Font,  and  all  the  expedition.  In  these 
rancherias  I  met  many  of  the  Indians  who  live  in  the 

map:  see  his  camp  mark  "44"  (the  4th  one  down  the  W.  side 
of  the  Colorado  from  the  Gila  confluence),  made  by  Font  to  be 
in  lat.  32°  33'.  This  latitude  is  nearly  the  same  as  that  of  the 
place,  about  32°  30',  where  the  international  boundary  line 
strikes  the  river  on  the  other  side,  20  m.  S.  of  the  mouth  of  the 
Gila,  close  by  a  place  called  Pedrick's  or  Padrick's.  Santa  Olalla 
(Santa  Eulalia,  St.  Eulalie)  appears  to  have  been  in  the  flood- 
plain  of  the  Colorado  in  the  course  of  New  river,  or  nearly  so, 
and  not  far  from  the  spot  to  be  found  on  some  modern  maps 
by  the  name  of  Captain  Juan's.  Examine  also  the  places 
marked  Bajadura  and  Five  Wells  on  Sitgreaves'  map,  pub.  1854. 
It  is  probably  not  now  determinable  more  closely  than  this. 
The  floodplain  down  which  Garces  is  wandering  has  an  average 
breadth  of  six  or  eight  miles  on  his  side  of  the  river. 

Font's  Diary  of  the  6th  gives  the  origin  of  the  name  Olalla 
on  Anza's  expedition  of  the  year  before  (1774).  It  says  that 
having  left  the  Rancheria  de  Cojat  (where  was  camp  of  the  5th, 
about  halfway  between  Pablo's  rancheria  and  Santa  Olalla)  he 
reached  at  five  leagues  southwest  the  Laguna  de  Santa  Olalla, 
"  nombre  que  se  le  puso  en  la  expedition  primera."  The  leag- 
uage  given  was  not  straight,  for  the  road  went  twisting  like  a 
snake  (culebreando)  from  south  to  west.  On  the  return  trip  of 
1774,  the  position  of  Santa  Olalla  is  given  as  four  leagues  west 
of  the  river  and  altogether  eight  leagues  (by  the  crooked  road) 
westsouthwest  of  the  mouth  of  the  Gila.  As  already  intimated, 
probably  no  closer  location  of  Santa  Olalla  can  be  made  than 
near  (somewhat  above)  the  entrance  of  New  river  into  the  main 
floodplain  of  the  Colorado,  and  some  six  to  ten  miles  west  of 
the  latter.  It  was  a  notable  place  in  those  days,  as  the  end  of 
the  Yumas  and  beginning  of  the  Cajuenches.  Font  describes 
it  as  follows:  La  Laguna  de  Santa  Olalla  is  narrow,  like  a  great 
ditch,  more  than  a  league  long,  approximately  parallel  with  the 


l66  QUEMEYA    OR    COMEYA    INDIANS. 

sierras  and  whom  the  Yumas  call  Quemeya.9  They 
wear  sandals  of  maguey-fiber  (guarachas  de  mescal), 
to  protect  themselves  from  the  stones.  These  In- 
dians descend  to  this  land  to  eat  calabashes  and  other 

river,  but  apart  therefrom  about  two  leagues  or  rather  more, 
whence  may  be  inferred  how  many  leagues  the  river  spreads 
when  it  overflows,  even  to  the  depth  of  two  varas,  as  we  saw 
by  the  rubbish  high  up  on  the  trunks  of  the  willows  which  grow 
on  the  borders  of  the  laguna,  left  there  by  the  river  when  at  its 
flood  it  overruns  those  lands.  It  was  humid  ground,  with 
plenty  of  grass,  and  quail  [Lophortyx  gambeli]  in  the  brush;  the 
Indians  also  caught  the  fish  called  matalote  in  the  laguna,  and 
one  of  a  kind  named  lisa. 

9  Or  Cotneya.  (Also  found  on  some  copies  of  Font's  map  as 
Quemexa,  and  elsewhere  Quemeyab.)  This  appears  to  have 
been  a  collective  name  and  to  have  been  applied  to  several 
Yuman  bands  from  the  vicinity  of  San  Diego  (occupied  by  the 
Dieguenos)  a  hundred  miles  inland  and  even  to  the  vicinity  of 
the  Colorado,  in  southern  California,  north  and  south  of  the 
present  boundary,  especially  along  San  Felipe  and  Carrizo 
creeks,  New  river,  and  about  Salton  Lake.  It  is  not  unlikely 
that  part  at  least  of  the  Dieguenos  were  included  by  Garces  in 
the  group.  They  are  no  longer  known  as  a  tribe,  having  doubt- 
less consolidated  with  the  Yuma,  and  probably  with  other  Yu- 
man tribes  now  confined  to  reservations,  except  a  small  band 
known  to  the  Mohave  as  Camilya  in  northern  Lower  California. 
As  late  as  1869  they  were  referred  to,  under  the  name  "  New 
River  Indians,"  as  a  tribe,  numbering  750,  on  intimate  terms 
with  the  Cuchan  (Yuma).  Other  forms  of  the  name  for  them 
are  Comaiyah,  Comedas,  Comoyah,  Comoyatz,  Comoyee, 
Comoyei,  etc. — F.  W.  H. 

The  Comeya  were  commonly  identified  with  the  Dieguenos. 
Thus  Bartlett,  Narr.,  ii,  1854,  p.  179:  "The  Dieguenos,  who  de- 
rived their  name  from  San  Diego,  are  the  Comeya  of  early  times." 


HOME   OF   THE   QUEMEYA.  167 

fruits  of  the  river.  These  Quemeya  Indians  live  in 
the  situations  of  San  Jacome  and  San  Sevastian  10  in 
the  sierra,  and  as  far  as  San  Diego.  In  these  ran- 
cherias  ends  the  nation  of  the  Yumas.11 

10  Neither  of  these  places  may  be  now  identified,  but  both 
were  on  the  route  of  the  expedition,  and  Font's  Diary  throws 
some  light  on  San  Sebastian:  Being  at  Santa  Olalla  on  the  6th, 
Font  went  some  7  leagues  W.  N.  W.  to  a  place  called  Pozo 
salobre  del  Carrizal  on  the  9th;  thence  7  leagues  W.  N.  W  to 
a  dry  gulch  on  the  10th;  thence  14  leagues,  mostly  W.  N.  W., 
to  Pozo  de  Santa  Rosa  de  las  Laxas  on  the  nth;  thence  three 
leagues  N.  to  a  dry  arroyo  on  the  12th;  whence  on  the  13th,  at 
7  leagues  further,  about  N.  N.  W.,  he  arrived  at  San  Sebastian, 
"  which  is  a  small  rancheria  of  the  mountain  Cajuenches,  or 
more  properly  of  the  Jecuiches."  See  his  camp  mark  "  49 " 
X  "  126."  This  place  was  a  spring  of  warm  or  tepid  water,  deep 
and  permanent,  like  a  cienega,  with  little  current,  with  rushes 
and  some  grass  not  very  good,  for  the  whole  of  the  low  ground 
was  whitened  with  alkali,  as  if  it  had  been  dusted  with  flour, 
though  the  water  itself  was  not  very  bad;  also,  near  the  spring 
was  a  creek  (zanjon)  much  choked  up,  and  with  very  unwhole- 
some water,  and  some  mezquites  and  other  brush.  Here  lived 
a  few  mountain  Jecuiches,  20  or  30  souls,  the  most  miserable 
creatures  Font  ever  saw.  He  supposed  them  to  be  of  the 
Quemaya  nation,  according  to  the  account  of  Garces,  and  the 
same  as  some  he  afterward  found  in  the  Puerto  de  San  Carlos. 
So  much  for  the  Rancheria  de  San  Sebastian,  which  Font  made 
in  lat.  33°  08'  N.,  and  where  the  expedition  stayed  several  days. 
But  there  was  also  a  Sierra  de  San  Sebastian,  so  named  on  the 
expedition  of  1774,  in  front  of  camp,  all  snowy  from  summit  to 
base. 

11  On  the  other  (east)  side  of  the  river,  the  last  rancheria  of 
the  Yumas  was  named  Santa  Isabel  by  Kino  in  Nov.,  1701. 


l68  THE    CAJUENCHE    NATION. 

Dec.  7.  I  remained  at  the  Laguna  de  Santa  Olalla 
in  company  with  the  seiior  comandante,  Padre 
Font,  and  the  whole  expedition.  The  latitude  of  this 
place  was  observed  and  found  in  320  33'.  At  this 
laguna  commences  the  Cajuenche  12  nation,  and  many 
of  them  joined  us  to-day,  but  not  all,  and  so  the  popu- 
lation could  not  be  ascertained.  I  distributed  among 
them  tobacco  and  glass  beads,  showed  them  the 
image  of  Maria  Santisima  and  the  figure  of  the  lost 
soul,  and  gave  them  to  understand  the  things  of  God. 
All  showed  by  their  great  delight  how  much  they 
were  pleased  with  Maria  Santisima,  exclaiming  that 
everything  was  all  right,  but  the  sight  of  the  lost  soul 
so  horrified  them  that  they  would  not  look  at  it  and 
wanted  the  picture  reversed; 13  and  (also  exclaiming) 

12  A  Yuman  tribe  formerly  living  on  the  Colorado  from  a 
short  distance  below  the  influx  of  the  Gila,  especially  on  the 
eastern  side.  They  had  palisaded  towns  and  spoke  a  dialect  of 
the  Cocopa.  There  are  probably  remnants  of  the  tribe  still  in 
Lower  California,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  others  have 
been  consolidated  with  the  Yumas.  Garces  speaks  beyond  of 
the  difference  of  their  language  from  Yuman.  This  is  as  was 
to  have  been  expected,  as  the  Cajuenche  were  more  closely  re- 
lated to  the  Cocopa  than  to  the  Cuchan  or  Yuma  proper, 
although  all  three  belonged  to  the  same  linguistic  stock.  Font 
estimated  the  Yumas  at  3000,  and  the  Cajuenches  at  somewhat 
more  (algo  mas). — F.  W.  H. 

18  Lest  I  be  suspected  of  embroidering  the  passage  a  bit,  I 
give  the  original:  todas  con  gran  regozijo  manifestaron  lo 
mucho    que    les    quadraba    Maria    SSma,    gritando    que    todo 


HOW    HOLY    MARY   SUITED   THEM.  1 69 

that  it  suited  them  that  the  padres  and  Espaiioles 
should  come  to  their  lands.  At  this  laguna  and  in 
all  its  vicinity  there  is  so  much  grass  that  the  soldiers 
all   agreed  that  the   horseherd   {cavallada — cavalry) 

estaba  mucho  bueno:  pero  la  vista  del  condenado  les  causo 
tanto  horror  que  no  querian  mirarlo — "  all  with  great  joy 
manifested  how  much  Holy  Mary  suited  them,  shouting  that 
all  was  very  good;  but  the  sight  of  the  damned  caused  them 
such  horror  that  they  wished  not  to  see  it."  It  would  be  hardly 
credible  that  a  grown-up  man  could  write  such  nonsense — but 
there  it  is!  The  gentle,  lovable  Garces,  simple  as  a  child  in 
religion,  his  heart  inflamed  with  zeal  for  souls,  clutched  at 
every  straw  which  seemed  to  show  which  way  the  wind  blew  for 
his  missionary  enterprise.  Font  himself  seems  to  have  been  im- 
mensely edified  by  the  performance,  though  he  was  a  stark  theo- 
logian who  detested  and  despised  Indians,  seeking  their  salva- 
tion only  in  an  official  and  perfunctory  manner.  His  Diary  has 
the  following  on  the  same  occasion.  "  In  the  evening  Padre 
Garces  assembled  the  Indians,  distributed  a  little  tobacco  and 
some  beads,  and  then  showed  them  a  grand  picture  of  the  SSma 
Virgin  with  the  infant  Jesus  in  her  arms,  and  they  manifested 
a  great  joy  and  hurrah  at  seeing  the  image,  and  said,  through 
the  interpreters,  that  it  was  good,  and  that  they  wished  to  be 
christians  in  order  to  be  as  white  and  handsome  as  the  Virgin, 
and  that  with  pleasure  would  they  be  baptized;  to  the  which  he 
told  them,  that  just  now  it  could  not  be — some  other  time  it 
might.  He  whipped  about  the  cloth,  on  the  reverse  of  which 
was  painted  a  lost  soul,  and  they  raised  a  loud  cry,  saying  that 
that  did  not  suit  them,  etc.  He  did  the  same  with  the  Gilenos, 
Opas,  and  Yumas,  and  all  responded  alike,  without  manifesting 
repugnance  to  christianism;  many  rather  desired  it,  and  have 
begged  to  be  baptized,  but  nobody  has  been  baptized,  because 
none  have  been  catechised;  and  it  is  known  that  the  people  are 


170  FRUIT   OF   THE   LAND. 

could  be  well  kept  here.  The  Indians  here  raise 
countless  calabashes  and  melons,14  much  corn  and 
beans,  with  all  of  which  the  expedition  was  well  sup- 
plied; and  by  bartering  glass  beads  which  the  senor 
comandante  gave  to  the  troops  a  large  stock  of  pro- 
visions was  obtained.     The  whole  expedition  ceased 


sufficiently  disposed  to  enter  into  the  holy  church,  whenever 
arrangements  are  made  therefor;  and  that  they  do  not  refuse 
subjection  to  the  law  of  God,  and  to  our  sovereign,  for  they  say 
that  they  wish  that  Spaniards  and  priests  may  come  to  live  with 
them.  It  seems  to  me  that  a  great  Christianity  could  be  had  in 
these  nations;  yet,  such  is  the  fickleness  of  Indians  that  a  pretty 
big  presidio  is  always  necessary,  in  order  that  respect  for  force 
of  arms  may  restrain  any  insult  they  might  intend  to  offer  in 
the  process  of  reducing  them  to  subjection."  Font  evidently 
knew  the  use  of  having  two  strings  to  your  bow — the  man  with 
a  musket  to  back  up  the  man  with  a  crucifix.  He  was  a  saga- 
cious workman  in  the  vineyard  of  the  Lord. 

14  Calabazas  y  melones,  perhaps  better  translated  squashes  and 
cantaloupes,  or  pumpkins  and  muskmelons.  The  Piman  and 
Yuman  tribes  cultivated  a  full  assortment  of  cucurbitaceous 
plants,  not  always  easy  to  identify  by  their  old  Spanish  names. 
The  sandia  was  the  watermelon,  invariably;  the  melon,  usually 
a  musk-melon,  or  cantaloupe;  the  calabasa,  a  calabash,  gourd, 
pumpkin,  or  squash  of  some  sort,  including  one  large  rough 
kind  like  our  crook-neck  squash.  The  cantaloupe  is  properly 
cantalu  in  Spanish,  but  this  word  does  not  occur  in  records  like 
Garces'.  Major  Heintzelman  says  of  the  Yumans,  p.  36  of  his 
Report  already  cited:  "They  cultivate  water  melons,  musk 
melons,  pumpkins,  corn  and  beans.  The  water  melons  are 
small  and  indifferent,  musk  melons  large,  and  the  pumpkins 
good.     These  latter  they  cut  and  dry  for  winter  use." 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  DEPARTURE.        ljl 

not  to  extol  this  land.     The  8th  day  I  also  remained 
here.16 

16  Font  assigns  the  above-said  exhibition  of  the  Virgin  to  the 
8th — very  likely  there  was  more  than  one  such  performance — 
and  has  much  more  for  this  day.  It  appears  in  his  Diary  that 
Garces  was  balked  in  starting  on  his  tour  down  river  by  the 
unwillingness  of  the  interpreters  to  accompany  him,  for  fear 
they  might  be  killed,  even  though  the  padre  should  not  be 
harmed.  Font  counseled  him  not  to  go  alone,  for  there  was  no 
use  of  going  to  see  the  nations  Garces  had  already  visited  [in 
1771];  that  the  present  purpose  was  so  to  order  his  journey  as 
to  sound  the  minds  of  the  people  for  catechism  and  christian- 
ism,  which  could  not  be  done  without  interpreters;  and  so  it 
would  be  best  for  Garces  to  return  to  Eixarch  and  thence  go 
to  the  Jalchedunes  and  neighboring  nations;  as  for  those  down 
river,  they  could  be  got  at  when  the  presidio  and  mission  should 
be  established  at  the  confluence  of  the  Gila.  Garces  was  about 
to  take  this  advice,  when  this  night  there  came  an  Indian  say- 
ing that  Palma  and  Pablo  intended  to  go  down  river  on  the 
other  side,  to  secretly  observe  how  the  Indians  treated  the 
padre,  accompanied  by  some  of  their  people,  both  on  horseback 
and  afoot.  Font  said  this  was  not  right,  for  if  Palma  went  in 
that  fashion  people  down  river  would  think  him  on  the  war 
path,  and  then  it  might  go  hard  with  the  padre — better  tell  the 
Indian  to  go  back  to  Palma  and  ask  him  not  to  take  that  trip, 
or  at  any  rate,  if  he  must  take  it,  to  do  so  openly,  in  company 
with  the  padre;  for  he  whose  heart  was  right  had  no  need  of 
secrecy.  While  the  interpreters  were  talking  this  matter  over, 
there  came  the  Indian,  a  relative  of  Palma's,  who  had  gone  out 
to  receive  the  expedition  on  Nov.  15,  and  who,  after  agreeing 
with  Garces  that  a  messenger  should  be  sent  to  Palma  to  tell 
the  latter  that  he  should  not  leave  his  rancheria,  said  that  the 
thing  to  do  was  to  send  ahead  of  Garces  two  women,  either 
from  among  the  slaves  that  there  were  among  the  Cajuenches, 


172  font's  portraiture  of  garces. 

Dec.  p.  Having  taken  leave  of  the  senor  coman- 
dante,  of  Padre  Font,  and  of  all  the  expedition  I  de- 
parted, accompanied  by  several  Cajuenches  and  one 
Yuma  who  lives  among  them,  and  by  my  inter- 
preters. Having  traveled  4  leagues  southwest  I 
arrived  at  the  Rancherias  called  de  la  Merced,16  in- 

or  from  among  persons  of  that  nation  who  were  married  there, 
to  say  that  Garces  was  about  to  return  to  visit  those  whom  he 
had  seen  before,  bringing  presents  for  them,  and  establishing 
peace  with  the  Yumas;  and  this  project  so  pleased  the  inter- 
preters that  they  plucked  up  courage  to  go,  and  so  Garces  held 
to  his  previous  intention.  Apparently  wondering  that  he  should 
do  so,  under  circumstances  which  Font  would  never  have  util- 
ized for  missionary  purposes,  the  latter  indulges  in  some  private 
reflections  on  Garces.  "  Padre  Garces,"  he  writes,  "  is  so  fit  to 
get  along  with  Indians,  and  go  about  among  them,  that  he 
seems  just  like  an  Indian  himself  {que  no  parece  sino  Indio). 
He  shows  in  everything  the  coolness  of  the  Indian  (gasta  una 
Aetna  en  todo  como  los  Indies) ;  he  squats  cross-legged  in  a  circle 
with  them,  or  at  night  around  the  fire,  for  two  or  three  hours  or 
even  longer,  all  absorbed,  forgetting  aught  else,  discoursing  to 
them  with  great  serenity  and  deliberation;  and  though  the  food 
of  the  Indians  is  as  nasty  and  disgusting  as  their  dirty  selves, 
the  padre  eats  it  with  great  gusto,  and  says  that  it  is  appetising, 
and  very  nice.  In  fine,  God  has  created  him,  I  am  sure,  totally 
on  purpose  to  hunt  up  these  unhappy,  ignorant  and  boorish 
people."  What  Padre  Font  does  not  say  in  his  Diary,  but 
doubtless  thought  is,  "  Faugh!  what  a  fool  that  fellow  Garces 
is!  Catch  me  doing  anything  of  that  sort!"  There  is  all  the 
difference  between  the  Good  Samaritan  and  the  Pharisee.  Font 
could  have  preached  and  quoted  De  Imitatione  Christi;  Garces 
was  imitating  Christ. 
1S I  know  of  no  other  reference  to  the  Rancheria  de  la  Merced, 


AT    THE    RANCHERIAS    DE    LA    MERCED.  1 73 

habited  by  Cajuenches.  In  this  land  there  is  plenty 
of  grass,  with  very  heavy  crops  of  calabashes,  water- 
melons, corn,  and  beans;  but  little  wheat  grows.  I 
gave  them  some  tobacco,  and  through  the  Yumas 
who  live  among  them  I  talked  to  them  of  God  and  his 
mysteries,  and  explained  to  them  the  pictures  on  the 
linen.  They  all  showed  great  joy  at  seeing  me;  for 
no  sooner  had  they  known  who  I  was  and  learned 
that  I  was  among  the  Yumas  than  they  expressed 
their  desire  to  see  me.  The  language  of  the  Cajuen- 
ches is  so  very  different  from  that  of  the  Yumas 
that  my  interpreters  could  hardly  use  it;  what  I 
caused  to  be  done  was,  that  the  interpreters  should 
talk  to  the  Yumas  and  these  to  the  Cajuenches,  inas- 
much as  they  are  neighboring  nations  who  under- 
stand each  other.  It  was  really  wonderful  to  see  this 
land  so  abounding  in  crops,  for  the  other  time  I  was 
here,  in  the  year  1771,17  it  was  very  barren;  and  on 

the  exact  site  of  which  is  not  now  recoverable.  According  to 
his  language,  Garces  should  be  found  somewhere  west  of  a 
place  on  the  river  called  Ogden's  landing. 

17  This  was  Garces  third  entrada  (second  1770,  first  1768) :  for 
details  see  this  entrada,  pp.  30-38.  A  point  to  be  noted  here  is, 
that  he  distinctly  affirms  his  previous  being  here,  on  the  west 
side  of  the  river,  which  has  been  questioned  by  some,  e.  g., 
Bancroft,  Hist.  Ariz,  and  N.  M.,  pp.  387,  388.  True,  Arricivita's 
account  is  obscure  and  confusing;  but  he  distinctly  makes  the 
same  affirmation  that  Garces  here  confirms;  so  there  can  be  no 
doubt  of  it. 


174  ALL    WELL    WITH    THE    CAJUENCHES. 

my  asking  the  reason  why,  they  told  me  that  they  had 
also  planted  much  then,  but  could  gather  no  crops, 
because  the  Yumas  were  their  enemies,  who  de- 
scended upon  them  in  harvest  time,  killed  them,  and 
laid  waste  their  milpas;  but  now  that  they  are  friends 
they  have  plenty  to  eat.  I  saw  here  about  300  souls. 
Dec.  10.  I  went  a  league  and  a  half  southwest,  fol- 
lowing the  rancherias,  saw  the  same  abundance  of 
provisions,  and  they  gave  me  the  same  reason  there- 
for, saying  that  as  they  kept  the  peace  with  the 
Yumas  which  I  effected  on  the  former  occasion  when 
I  was  in  their  lands,  now  all  was  well  with  them;  and 
for  this,  perhaps,  was  it  that  they  showed  me  so  much 
affection,  and  made  me  so  many  gifts;  for  it  was  a 
profusion  of  watermelons,  muskmelons,  corncakes 
(panes  dc  maiz),  gruels  of  seeds  (atoles  18  de  semillas), 
and  fish  19  that  they  presented  to  me. 

18  Atole  was  a  boiled  mess  or  concoction  which  might  be  called 
soup,  broth,  gruel,  porridge  or  mush,  according  to  the  con- 
sistency to  which  it  was  brought;  any  sort  of  grain  or  seed 
might  enter  into  its  composition. — E.  C. 

The  Yumas  planted  wheat  in  the  river  and  laguna  bottoms  in 
Dec.  or  Jan.,  which  ripened  in  May  and  June.  The  Cajuenche 
also  had  some  wheat,  Garces  says.  The  atole,  however,  was 
possibly  made  of  grass  seed,  as  the  Yumas  at  least  are  known  to 
have  raised  it  for  food,  though  mesquite  was  their  principal 
food,  in  all  probability.  It  was  usually  prepared  by  pounding 
the  pod  in  wooden  mortars,  then  mixing  the  meal  with  water, 
kneading  into  a  mass,  and  drying  in  the  sun. — F.  W.  H. 

"  Doubtless    all    the    coast    tribes    ate    fish.      The    Navaho, 


THE    COCOPAS   NOTED.  175 

Dec.  II.  To-day  I  only  went  about  a  league  south- 
west. I  observed  this  position  with  the  quadrant 
that  Padre  Font  had  given  me,  and  found  it  in  320 
25'.20  There  assembled  at  this  rancheria  an  extra- 
ordinary crowd  (un  desmedido  gentio).  This  day 
there  came  into  it  an  Indian  of  the  Cucapa  21  nation, 

Apache,  and  Pueblos  strictly  tabooed  it  and  everything  else 
that  came  out  of  the  water,  especially  sea  water,  regarding  such 
as  sacred. — F.  W.  H. 

20  To-day's  league  does  not  materially  alter  Garces'  position; 
and  if  we  are  to  take  his  320  25'  on  its  face,  we  must  still  hold 
him  west  of  Ogden's  landing, — rather  above  than  below  this 
place.  His  observations  for  latitude,  as  a  rule,  are  less  reliable 
than  Font's,  but  in  this  instance  I  should  suppose  him  to  be 
about  right. 

21  More  properly  Cocopa.  This  tribe,  which,  like  all  the  In- 
dians of  Lower  California,  belongs  to  the  Yuman  stock,  has 
occupied  during  historic  times  the  lower  Colorado  from  its 
mouth  to  a  point  about  fifty  miles  up-stream  where  the  Cuchan 
or  Yuma  rancherias  formerly  began,  especially  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  river  and  extending  into  the  mountains.  They  were 
once  reputed  to  be  a  populous  tribe,  but  probably  on  account 
of  the  incessant  hostility  of  the  Yumas,  they  were  reduced  to 
about  a  thousand  by  1853.  In  arms,  dress,  manners,  and  cus- 
toms they  were  quite  similar  to  the  Yuma;  and  indeed,  from 
their  general  appearance  it  was  difficult  to  distinguish  one  from 
the  other.  They  were  agriculturists,  raising  corn,  melons,  pump- 
kins, and  beans,  and  eking  out  their  somewhat  precarious  exist- 
ence with  grass  seeds,  roots,  mesquite  beans,  fish,  oysters,  clams, 
mussels,  etc. — in  fact,  nothing  edible  went  amiss.  The  Alche- 
doma,  Bagiopa,  Coanopa,  Cuculato,  Cunai,  Hebonuma,  and 
Quigyuma  (or  Quiquima)  have  been  regarded  as  former  Cocopa 
divisions.    The    name    appears    in    literature    also    as    Cacopa, 


I76  JALLIQUAMAY    OR    QUIQUIMA    NOTED. 

which  occupies  a  wide  area  from  the  Laguna  de  San 
Matheo22  to  the  sierra  and  the  desemboguement  of 
the  Rio  Colorado.  This  nation  is  hostile  to  the  Jalli- 
quamay  or  Quiquima,23  to  the  Quemeya  who  live  in 

Cacupa,  Cocapa,  Cochopa,  Co-co-pah,  Cucapachas,  Cucassus, 
Cucopa,  Cucupah,  Cupachas,  Kokopa,  etc. — F.  W.  H. 

In  June.  1852,  Bartlett  notices  the  Cocopa  as  follows,  Narr., 
ii,  p.  179:  "  Between  the  Gila  and  the  Gulf,  and  near  the  latter, 
there  is  also  found  a  tribe  called  the  Cocopas.  They  occasionally 
visit  Fort  Yuma,  and  profess  to  be  at  peace  with  the  Americans. 
They  are  less  numerous  than  the  Yumas,  with  whom  they  are 
at  war.  Recently  a  party  of  Yumas  were  surprised  by  them, 
their  chief  and  many  others  kille X  and  the  party  completely 
routed.  At  the  latest  accounts  the  Yumas  were  preparing  for 
a  campaign  against  them;  and  as  their  numbers  are  much  larger, 
it  may  result  in  the  annihilation  of  the  Cocopas,  who  would  not 
be  the  first  tribe  which  the  warlike  Yumas  have  extinguished." 

"  The  Laguna  de  San  Mattheo  which  Garces  gives  as  a  limit 
of  the  Cocopas  was  some  sluice  or  overflow  channel  of  the 
Colorado,  not  now  identifiable,  and  very  likely  non-existent;  I 
find  no  such  name  anywhere  else,  excepting  beyond,  at  date  of 
Dec.  16. 

"  Of  the  Jalliquamay  (Halliquamaya,  Jallicuamai,  Jallicuamay, 
Jallicumay,  Tallignamay,  Talligumai,  Talliguamayque,  Tlallai- 
guamaya.  Tlalliquamalla,  etc.)  nothing  is  known  beyond  the 
fact  that  they  were  a  Yuman  tribe,  allied  to  the  Cocopa,  residing 
on  the  lower  Colorado,  not  far  from  its  mouth.  As  Garces 
states,  they  and  their  Cocopa  kindred  were  not  on  friendly  terms. 
The  padre  also  intimates  that  they  were  the  same  as  the  Qui- 
quima (Quigyuma,  Quicima,  Quihuima,  Quigyama,  Quimac, 
Quinquima,  etc.),  but  whether  or  not  this  was  true  is  now  un- 
known. Indeed  practically  nothing  more  is  known  of  these 
tribes  than  that  which  Garces  gives.     On  Kino's  map  the  Qui- 


KINO   AMONG   THE   QUIQUIMA.  1 77 

the  sierra,  and  to  the  Cajuenche.  I  warmly  em- 
braced this  Cucapa  Indian,  and  made  much  of  him; 

quimas  are  placed  farther  southward  in  Lower  California  on 
the  eastern  coast,  being  divided  from  the  Bagiopas  by  the 
"  Sierra  Azul  "  of  his  map.  Garces  seems  to  have  been  the  first 
authority  to  apply  the  terms  Jalliquamay  and  Quiquima  to  a 
lingle  tribe,  although  they  have  many  times  since  been  loosely 
employed  as  distinctive  names.  From  Zarate-Salmeron  (1626), 
cited  by  Bandelier,  Final  Rep.,  i,  1890,  p.  no,  it  appears  that  be- 
low the  mouth  of  the  Gila  dwelt  successively  the  Halchedoma, 
the  Haclli,  the  Cohuana,  the  Halliquamayas,  and  finally  the 
Cucupas,  who  ranged  as  far  as  the  gulf.  Bandelier  here  identi- 
fies the  Halliquamayas  with  the  Comoyei  or  Comeya,  but,  not- 
withstanding the  similarity  in  names,  this  is  an  evident  error  if 
we  are  to  accept  Garces'  assertion  as  authoritative.  There  is 
little  doubt  that  Garces'  Jalliquamay  or  Quiquima  (p.  176)  are 
the  Quigyumas,  Quicimas,  Quihuimas,  etc.,  of  other  writers,  as 
above  noted.  They  were  visited  in  1604  by  Onate,  who  men- 
tions them  under  the  name  Tlalliguamayas,  as  living  in  six  ran- 
cherias  not  far  above  the  head  of  tidewater,  where  Kino  (1701 
and  1702)  likewise  found  them  as  below  noted. — F.  W.  H. 

Kino  visited  the  so-called  Quiquima  in  Nov.,  1701,  and  on 
the  19th  entered  the  first  of  their  rancherias  on  the  east 
(Sonoran)  side  of  the  river,  naming  it  San  Felix  de  Valois. 
This  was  next  to  the  last  Yuman  rancheria  he  called  Santa 
Isabel.  On  the  21st,  still  going  down  the  left  bank,  he  crossed 
the  river  on  a  raft  where  it  was  200  varas  wide,  naming  this 
place  La  Presentacion.  There,  on  the  California  side,  he  was 
still  among  the  Quiquimas;  he  was  visited  by  a  throng  of 
Coanopas,  Cuteanas  or  Cutganas,  and  Giopas,  Ojiopas,  or 
Bagiopas;  and  was  told  he  was  only  one  day's  journey  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Colorado.  Returning  in  Feb.,  1702,  with  Father 
Francisco  Gonzalez,  he  reached  Santa  Isabel  March  1st,  passed 
San  Felix  de  Valois  and  La  Presentacion,  and  came  to  a  large 


178       GARCES   STILL   AMONG   THE    CAJUENCHES. 

and  he  told  me  that  he  already  knew  in  his  own  coun- 
try that  I  was  traveling  in  these  parts,  and  therefore 
came  to  see  me  on  behalf  of  his  nation.  He  was 
accompanied  by  an  old  woman;  and  I  charged  them 
both  that  they  should  deliver  many  greetings  to  their 
people,  and  should  tell  them  that  within  three  days 
I  would  come  there.  I  showed  them  the  crucifix,  the 
breviary,  and  the  compass-needle,  that  they  might 
know  I  was  the  same  who  had  been  in  their  land  years 

Quiquima  rancheria  they  named  San  Rudesindo.  Continuing 
down  the  left  bank  they  passed  other  rancherias  of  the  same 
nation,  one  of  which  they  named  San  Casimiro  on  the  4th;  on 
the  5th  they  were  at  tide  water  (now  Heintzelman's  point) ;  on 
the  6th  they  failed  in  an  attempt  to  cross  from  the  Sonoran  to 
the  Californian  side,  and  on  the  7th  reached  the  very  mouth 
of  the  Colorado — the  first  and  last  time  Kino  was  ever  actually 
there. 

The  Quiquimas  long  continued  to  be  heard  of  by  this  name. 
Thus  the  Rudo  Ensayo,  written  in  1762,  p.  131,  speaks  of  a 
portion  of  the  Colorado  that  "  affords  ample  space  for  a  commo- 
dious dwelling  place  to  the  Cuhana  nation;  but  on  the  other 
turn  of  the  river,  on  resuming  its  course  toward  the  South, 
there  dwells,  on  a  most  fertile  plain,  ten  or  twelve  leagues  in 
length,  on  the  left  [bank],  the  nation  of  Quiqitionas,  the  largest 
of  all  the  nations  along  the  river  until  it  empties  into  the  Gulf 
of  California."  This  is  a  mere  misprint  for  Quiquimas;  for  on 
p.  132,  the  Rudo  Ensayo  continues:  "He  [Kino]  particularly 
sets  down  in  his  diary  of  that  journey  [of  1701]  that,  besides 
the  Quiquimas,  who  are  to  be  found  on  the  other  [left]  side, 
there  are  Cutcanas,  Coanopas,  Ojiopas,  etc."  (names  appearing 
elsewhere  as  Cutaganas,  Coanopas,  and  Giopas). 


A    CAJUENCHE   SHOT.  1 79 

past  (1771),  and  with  this  I  dismissed  them.  The 
Cajuenches  continued  to  show  their  satisfaction  with 
great  dancing  and  much  shouting,  and  in  the  even- 
ing I  went  the  league  above  said,  all  full  of  crops. 

Dec.  12.  There  gathered  at  the  rancheria  where  I 
had  slept  a  great  crowd,  almost  all  men,  who  were 
performing  an  extraordinary  dance;  and  so  great  was 
the  confusion  of  people  that  fell  upon  me  when  I 
came  out  of  my  little  tent  that  I  was  obliged  to  re- 
tire into  it,  full  of  fear.  At  noon  I  heard  great  shout- 
ings and  noise  of  runnings  about.  I  came  forth, 
and  learned  the  news  that  a  Jalliquamay  Indian  had 
wounded  a  Cajuenche  in  such  manner  that  the  flint 
penetrated  near  the  heart,24  and  it  had  entered 
through  the  shoulder,  and  also  there  had  remained 
within  (the  wound)  a  part  of  the  shaft;  they  deter- 
mined to  extract  it  in  front,  martyrizing  him  a  sec- 
ond time.  The  medicine-man  (hechizero)  began  to 
play  his  part  of  running,  blowing,  and  gyrating.  I 
commenced  to  pacify  them  when  they  sought  to  kill 
a  young  man  whom  they  brought  into  my  presence, 
and  as  this  intention  was  not  justified  I  told  them 

24  The  expression  is:  havia  jareado  a  un  Cajuenche  de  tal 
modo  que  se  tocaba  el  pedernal  cerca  del  corazon.  Here  jareado 
is  for  hereado  or  herido,  and  pedernal  may  be  either  arrowhead  or 
spearhead;  but  as  we  are  told  that  a  piece  of  the  shaft  remained 
in  the  wound,  doubtless  it  was  an  arrow  with  which  the 
Cajuenche  was  shot. 


I  So  OTHER   INCIDENTS. 

that  they  should  release  him  and  that  as  soon  as  he 
went  to  his  rancheria  there  would  come  others  to 
defend  him,  whereupon  both  sides  would  be  able  to 
fight  "  a  heap  "  (de  monton).  The  old  men  shot  ar- 
rows, and  the  boys  came  to  gather  up  those  that  the 
other  party  shot.  There  were  no  further  mishaps, 
except  that  one  man  was  given  a  beating.  I 
spoke  to  the  captain  of  the  rancheria.  complaining 
that  they  should  have  so  little  sense  {ton  poco  entcndi- 
micnto)  as  to  set  themselves  to  fighting.  I  being  here 
who  came  to  put  them  all  at  peace.  He  replied  to 
me  that  since  it  had  happened  it  could  not  be  helped. 
but  thc.t  there  would  be  no  more  of  it  (que  ya  lo  hecho 
no  tenia  rcmedio,  pero  que  ya  no  habia  mas).  The  in- 
terpreters whom  I  brought,  as  they  saw  what  was 
going  on,  told  me  that  they  were  not  going  to  the 
Cucapas  in  my  company,  and  the  Indians  terrified 
them  more  by  assuring  them  that  those  down  river 
(de  aba.ro)  would  do  the  same  with  us  if  we  passed 
through  their  lands:  on  which  transit  the  guides  re- 
fused (to  go).  Not  only  were  these  afraid,  but  also 
those  who  had  accompanied  me  were  terrified,  and 
they  made  me  depart  with  all  haste,  fearing  that  at 
night  they  might  come  to  injure  us,  or  the  animals 
be  stolen;  to  which  I  agreed,  first  catechising  the 
wounded  man  as  well  as  I  could,  who  joyfully  re- 
ceived holy  baptism. 


ARRIVAL    AMONG    JALLIQUAMAIS.  l8l 

At  this  rancheria  ends  the  Cajuenche  nation.  I 
departed  thence,  and  accompanied  by  many  Jalli- 
quamais  traveled  about  2  leagues  east,25  and  arrived 
at  a  rancheria  of  the  Jalliquamais  nation,  where  I  saw 
about  200  souls.  Through  these  lands  there  is  little 
grass  but  they  have  plenty  of  provisions,  and  are  very 
generous  Indians.  I  also  noticed  that  these  Indians 
are  more  cleanly  than  the  Yumas  and  Cajuenches, 
and  as  the  women  do  not  paint  so  much  they  appear 
middling  white.  All  received  me  with  great  pleas- 
ure and  entertained  me  handsomely,  and  having 
spoken  to  them  as  well  as  I  could  of  God,  they  seemed 
to  believe  what  I  told  them;  and  at  sight  of  the  pic- 
tures they  used  the  same  expressions  as  the  Cajuen- 
ches. I  could  not  explain  myself  well  to  them,  for 
though  the  idiom  appears  to  be  the  same  as  that  of 
the  Cajuenches,  yet  it  differs  much.36  My  next 
project  was  to  cross  the  Rio  Colorado  and  thus  go  to 

*•  We  can  only  conjecture  where  Garces  was  after  these  five 
miles.  As  he  goes  E.,  toward  the  river,  the  rancherias  pre- 
viously visited  must  have  been  on  or  near  W.  border  of  the 
flood-plain;  and  as  he  makes  no  southing,  we  cannot  yet  take 
him  much  if  any  below  Ogden's  landing.  It  is  a  pity  he  is  not 
more  explicit  with  topographical  details,  for  no  one  gives  the 
various  tribal  limits  more  definitely  than  he  does,  so  that  we 
should  know  them  exactly,  if  we  could  identify  his  localities. 

M  This  apparent  contradiction  in  terms  is  easily  explained. 
All  these  Indians  were  of  the  same  (Yuman)  linguistic  stock, 
speaking  different  dialects  of  one  language. 


l82  STILL    AMONG    THE    JALLIQUAMAIS. 

visit  the  Cucapa  nation;  and  for  this  destination  I  de- 
parted the  following  day,  as  I  will  relate. 

Dec.  13.  I  departed  for  the  east,  but  could  not  fol- 
low that  route,  for  all  told  me  that  neither  to  the  east, 
nor  to  the  south,  were  there  any  people;  for,  though 
it  was  true  that  I  had  seen  many  on  the  other  occa- 
sion when  I  went  alone  through  these  parts,  yet  all 
had  retired  to  that  (a  aqudla,  i.  e.,  to  the  other)  side 
of  the  riverthrough  fear  of  the  enemy.  It  was  neces- 
sary to  agree  with  them,  and  having  turned  from  the 
east  I  took  to  the  northeast,  traveling  about  a  league 
and  a  half,  and  halted  at  a  rancheria  of  Jalliquamais 
of  200  souls,  in  form  of  a  pueblo,27  such  as  the  Cajuen- 
ches  also  build,  the  one  and  the  other  the  better  to 
defend  themselves  thus  from  their  enemies;  in  all 
these  rancherias  they  received  me  well.  Almost  all 
these  Jalliquamais  were  living  in  the  year  1771  on  the 
other  side  of  the  river  in  the  rancherias  which  I  then 
saw  and  named  (Rancherias)  de  Santa  Rosa.28     See- 

"'  That  is  to  say,  a  village  of  more  or  less  permanency,  per- 
haps arranged  in  an  orderly  manner,  perhaps  with  a  plaza,  etc., 
as  distinguished  from  a  rancheria,  which  might  be  occupied  only 
at  certain  seasons. 

"A  name  occurring  nowhere  else,  to  my  knowledge,  and  of 
no  other  identification  than  present  text  affords.  The  inference 
is  that  Santa  Rosa  was  inhabited  in  1771  and  had  been  since 
deserted.  We  are  still  somewhere  in  the  vicinity  of  Ogden's 
landing,  but  at  a  point  impossible  to  specify. 


ARRIVAL    AMONG    THE    COCOPAS.  1 83 

ing  that  my  purpose  of  crossing  the  river  was  frus- 
trated, I  determined  to  return  to  the  nearest  rancheria 
of  the  Cajuenches. 

Dec.  14.  I  returned  to  the  rancheria  whence  I  de- 
parted the  day  before. 

Dec.  75.  I  went  2  leagues  west  and  halted  near  the 
rancheria  of  the  wounded  Indian  whom  I  had  bap- 
tized, as  said  above,  and  who  had  died  that  night  in 
a  rancheria  which  consisted  of  200  souls  of  Jalliqua- 
mais  and  Cajuenches.  In  this  rancheria  I  remained 
the  whole  day  and  also  the  next,  because  it  was  very 
cold;  and  all  went  well  (y  lo  pase  bien). 

Dec.  16.  Having  gone  3  leagues  southsoutheast 
(sic — sursueste)29  I  arrived  at  the  Laguna  de  San 
Mateo.  The  Cajuenches  who  accompanied  me  took 
me  over  in  their  arms,  and  leaving  me  on  the  other 
side  departed;  for  here  ends  their  land  and  com- 
mences that  of  the  Cucapa  nation  to  whom  they  are 
hostile.  I  pursued  my  route,  and  traveling  4  leagues 
in  the  same  direction  arrived  at  (a  rancheria  of)  the 

"  I  cannot  help  suspecting  this  to  be  an  error  for  southsouth- 
west,  which  is  approximately  the  course  of  the  river  for  many 
miles.  Garces  could  hardly  go  his  34-4=7  leagues  S.  E.  to- 
day without  running  into  the  Colorado,  from  any  position 
whence  we  can  conjecture  him  to  have  staited.  Whatever  the 
exact  course,  this  is  a  long  lap,  ostensibly  between  18  and  19 
miles  southward.  I  should  suppose  this  distance  to  bring 
Garces  within  a  few  miles  of  tide  water  at  Heintzelman's  point. 


184  AMONG   THE    COCOPAS. 

Cucapa  nation;  this  was  abandoned  and  destroyed, 
for  here  was  the  place  where  recently  had  fought  the 
Yumas,  Cajuenches,  and  Jalliquamais  with  the  Cu- 
capa. Here  I  camped  ("  made  night  " — hize  ncche), 
and  regaled  myself  with  some  very  savory  water- 
melons.    In  all  this  land  there  is  plenty  of  grass. 

Dec.  18.  When  I  was  ready  to  resume  my  march, 
I  saw  some  Indians  who  were  passing  on  their  way 
up;  I  called  to  them,  and  they  came  very  joyfully, 
shouting  as  is  their  wont.  These  Indians  were  Cu- 
capas;  they  told  me  that  they  were  in  search  of  me, 
that  already  had  they  gone  forth  once  before  for  the 
same  purpose,  because  already  they  had  been  given 
word  that  within  three  days  I  would  come  to 
visit  them;  that  already  were  all  their  people  ex- 
pecting me.  Here  there  is  plenty  of  grass,  much 
carrizo  [PJwagmitcs  communis],  and  tule  [Scirpus 
califomicus,  probably] ;  there  are  good  mesas  with 
a  very  beautiful  prospect;  and  as  the  river  is 
distant  hence  some  3  leagues,  I  consider  that  there 
could  be  founded  here  a  good  mission,  without  fear 
of  inundations.  I  am  persuaded  that  during  the 
freshets  this  Laguna  de  San  Mateo,  which  has  now 
some  10  leagues  of  length,  will  be  a  large  arm  of  the 
river;  but  its  channel  is  so  deep  that  no  doubt  it  will 
keep  free  from  overflow  the  mesas  that  there  are  in 
this  locality.     I  mounted  my  horse  and  in  4  leagues 


AMONG   THE    COCOPAS.  185 

southsoutheast,  having  on  my  right  the  Sierra  de  San 
Geronimo,  distant  about  3  leagues,  I  halted  at  a 
rancheria  of  Cucupas,  who  were  so  very  numerous 
that  though  I  began  to  make  presents  to  them  all  I 
had  to  limit  myself  to  only  the  women.  Already  had 
I  halted  when  the  Indian  Sevastian,  who  was  the  only 
one  that  accompanied  me,  since  the  other  two  had 
stayed  with  the  Cajuenches,  possessed  by  fear,  urged 
me  not  to  remain  here,  as  there  was  little  grass,  and 
the  water  was  in  wells  (or  pot-holes — pozos),  where 
the  animals  could  not  drink.  With  the  object  of 
entertaining  us  both,  an  old  man  who  seemed  to  be  a 
chief  invited  us,  saying  that  he  would  conduct  us  to 
his  house.  Whereupon  we  departed,  traveling  3 
leagues  southeast,  on  which  route  I  found  two 
rancherias.  I  arrived  at  the  house  of  the  old  man 
after  nightfall  {entrada  la  noche);  there  were  very 
many  persons  gathered  here,  and  among  them  was 
an  old  woman  who  well  understood  the  Yuma 
tongue.  I  spoke  to  them  of  peace,  (saying)  that  now 
all  the  nations  above  continued  friendly  and  would 
not  come  down  to  do  them  any  harm,  and  that  they 
themselves  had  no  occasion  now  to  go  up  to  fight. 
This  proposition  suited  them  well;  for  they  said  that 
the  wars  had  impoverished  them  and  compelled  them 
to  live  where  there  was  little  water  and  no  wood. 
But  the  old  woman  would  not  believe  what  I  said.     I 


1 86  THE   VIRGIN    NOT   ON    EXHIBITION. 

asked  her  about  the  two  little  boys  whom  I  had  bap- 
tized when  I  was  in  this  country  in  the  year  1771,  and 
presently  she  fell  a-weeping,  saying,  "  now  they  are 
both  dead — dost  thou  not  remember  that  I  am  the 
mother  of  one  of  them?  "  I  made  some  presents  to 
all,  and  consoled  the  old  woman  by  telling  her  that 
her  son  was  now  in  heaven.  As  all  the  baggage 
(ropa)  had  been  left  with  the  Cajuenche  interpreters, 
I  could  not  exhibit  the  Virgin,  though  they  begged 
me  to  do  so;  for  they  had  been  told  by  those  who 
brought  them  my  message  that  they  had  seen  her  at 
the  Cajuenches  and  thus  they  knew  that  I  was  now 
carrying  her  (que  ya  la  llcbaba).  But  I  told  them 
about  God  and  exhibited  the  crucifix,  which  they  all 
kissed.  All  examined  the  breviary,  and  I  had  to 
show  them  all  the  leaves,  because  those  who  had  seen 
them  above  had  already  told  them  that  there  were 
four  or  five,  and  so  they  were  not  satisfied  to  see  only 
one.  The  compass-needle  also  I  was  obliged  to  pass 
from  hand  to  hand,  notwithstanding  that  they  had 
already  seen  it  on  my  other  journey.  I  asked  about 
the  sea,  and  for  those  Indians  who  in  the  year  1771 
took  me  across  the  river;  and  they  replied  that  all 
were  near  by. 

Dec.  19.  In  the  morning  I  went  3  leagues  south- 
southeast  and  southwest,  visiting  various  rancherias 
consisting  of  people  of  the  lowlands  and  of  moun- 


APPROACHING    SALT    WATER.  1 87 

taineers  (de  la  tierra  y  Serranos).  At  the  last  ran- 
cheria  they  insisted  strongly  upon  my  staying;  but  1 
did  not  do  so  because  the  Indian  Sevastian  did  not 
wish  it,  for  the  reason  that  here  there  were  no  tulares 
and  the  water  was  in  wells.30  The  Indians  urged  that 
I  should  not  proceed,  saying  that  further  down  there 
was  no  more  grass  or  fresh  water.  But  1  did  not 
mind  them,  and  continued  my  journey,  and  soon 
(came  upon)  some  shores  (or  beaches — playas)  with- 
out grass,  without  water  except  that  of  some  pools, 
and  it  was  brackish.  I  halted  on  this  strand,  and 
took  an  observation  as  well  as  I  could,  and  found 
the  position  to  be  in  latitude  320  17'.31     I  began  again 

80  Pozos — not  that  we  must  understand  wells  artificially  dug, 
but  natural  potholes  or  deep  places  in  which  water  stood,  as  if 
in  a  well.  This  is  the  usual  locution  for  water-holes  in  open 
country,  those  occurring  among  rocks  being  commonly  called 
tinajas,  and  the  latter  being  frequently  known  as  "  tanks  "  in 
Arizona,  sometimes  called  tanques  in  Spanish.  The  tulares 
above  said  are  low  marshy  places  where  grow  tules  or  bulrushes 
and  other  coarse  aquatic  plants.  A  very  extensive  tract  of 
country  in  California  is  known  as  the  Tulares,  and  the  term  was 
also  applied  to  Indians  who  lived  there.  The  Californian  tule 
or  rush  is  of  two  species:  Scirpus  calif ornicus  of  the  latest  bo- 
tanical nomenclature,  very  similar  to  the  widespread  5".  lacustris 
of  North  America  and  Europe,  in  fact  sometimes  known  as  5". 
lacustris  occidentalis ;  and  the  more  different  S.  tatara. 

81  This  observation,  if  correct,  would  put  Garces  almost 
exactly  halfway  between  Ogden's  landing  and  Heintzelman's 
point;  but  he  comes  to  tidewater  so  soon  that  I  think  he  must 
have  been  lower  down. 


1 88  RANCHERIAS   DE   LAS   LLAGAS. 

my  journey  south,  with  some  deviations  southwest 
and  southeast,  and  continued  along  the  same  shore. 
The  Indians  who  accompanied  me,  who  were  from 
the  last  rancheria  whence  I  had  departed  in  the  morn- 
ing, insisted  that  now  there  would  be  found  no  more 
good  water  nor  grass;  that  all  this  land  was  covered 
by  the  sea  at  high  tide  (quando  crecia).  The  Indian 
Sevastian  then  told  me  that  the  animals  had  not 
drunk  during  the  whole  day;  for  which  reason  I  de- 
termined to  return  to  the  nearest  rancheria,  in  order 
to  take  the  road  the  following  day,  after  a  rest  (mas 
de  espacio).  I  did  so,  and  that  night  arrived  at  the 
rancherias  which  I  persuade  myself  are  the  last  ones 
there  are  down  river;  and  the  other  time  that  I  was 
through  here  I  called  them  (Rancherias)  de  las 
Llagas.32     Here  I  met  the  Indians  who  in  the  year  of 

32  The  rancherias  of  the  wounds  or  sores  (of  Christ)  are  not 
now  identifiable,  but  the  statement  is  noteworthy  as  indicating 
about  how  far  down  the  west  side  of  the  Colorado  Garces 
went  in  1771.  That  these  rancherias  were  within  reach  of  the 
tide  or  bore  of  the  river  appears  from  a  statement  made  by 
Garces  on  the  22d,  beyond.  This  would  indicate  a  position 
somewhere  below  Heintzelman's  point,  which  is  at  the  head  of 
tide  water,  or  very  nearly  so.  Regarding  the  name  Llagas,  it 
may  be  observed  that  Garces  was  here  or  hereabouts  in  1771  on 
Sept.  17,  which  is  given  as  the  day  of  the  wounds  or  sores  of  the 
seraphic  St.  Francis  Assisi,  founder  of  the  Franciscans,  upon 
whom  in  his  sleep  an  angel  is  said  to  have  impressed  the 
stigmata  or  llagas  de  Jesus,  sc.  the  marks  of  the  nails  and  spear 


AT   TIDEWATER.  1 89 

1 771  had  crossed  me  over  the  Rio  Colorado;  which 
was  to  them  and  to  me  a  great  comfort.  To  reach 
this  rancheria  I  went  from  where  I  took  the  observa- 
tion 4  leagues  northeast. 

Dec.  20.  I  remained  in  this  rancheria,  regaled  the 
Indians,  and  as  well  as  I  could  spoke  to  them  of  God 
and  of  having  padres,  which  they  heard  with  gusto. 
I  observed  this  place  and  found  it  in  latitude  320  18'. 

Dec.  21.  I  went  five  leagues  along  a  very  extensive 
shore  with  neither  grass  nor  any  tree,  on  a  general 
southwest  course,  with  some  deviations  southeast  and 
south.  I  arrived  at  the  water  and  found  that  it  was 
the  sea;  for  it  was  salt,  though  from  being  neverthe- 
less mingled  with  that  of  the  Rio  Colorado  it  had  not 
all  the  bitterness  (acrimonia)  which  has  that  of  the 
high  sea  (del  mar  adentro).  This  water  made  great 
waves  like  the  sea;  on  the  northeast  it  extended  till 

with  which  Christ  was  wounded  at  the  crucifixion.  St.  Francis 
was  Giovanni  Francesco  Bernardino,  b.  at  Assisi  in  Italy  in 
1 182,  it  is  said  with  a  nsevus  or  birthmark  of  a  cross  on  his 
shoulder;  d.  there  Oct.  4,  1226.  He  is  described  as  an  unedu- 
cated, dissolute  youth,  who  early  in  life  had  an  illness  which 
appears  to  have  unsettled  his  mind,  as  he  retired  to  voluntary 
poverty  in  the  convent  of  Porciuncula,  to  found  his  order  in 
1210;  confirmed  by  Pope  Honorarius  III.  in  1223.  The  miracu- 
lous stigmata,  according  to  the  legend,  were  impressed  upon 
him  after  a  visit  to  Egypt,  which  he  made  in  1219.  He  was 
then  a  hermit  at  Monte  Alverno.  He  was  canonized  by 
Gregory  IX.  in  1228,  and  calendared  for  Oct.  4. 


190  AT   THE    MOUTH    OF   THE    COLORADO. 

the  end  was  lost  to  view — hasta  perderle  el  fin) ;  on 
the  south  it  was  the  same;  and  from  east  to  west  it 
would  reach  more  than  a  league.  Although  now  I 
knew  by  all  the  signs  that  I  was  on  the  sea  and  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Rio  Colorado,33  nevertheless  to  make 
myself  more  sure  of  this  I  went  a  little  less  than  a 
league  further  down,  ordered  the  Indian  to  get  some 
water,  and  it  could  not  be  drunk  for  saltness.  Then 
I  retraced  (deshize,  "  undid  ")  this  league  that  I  had 
gone,  and  halted  on  the  edge  of  the  water  in  the  place 
where  I  had  (first)  tried  it.     Here  I  camped  for  the 

"  That  Garces  has  fairly  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado 
is  obvious  from  all  that  he  says.  But  I  cannot  pretend  to  stick 
a  pin  in  any  modern  map  and  say  that  this  is  the  very  point. 
In  the  first  place,  there  is  no  assurance  that  the  hydrography  of 
the  Coloradan  delta,  with  its  lowlands  alternately  submerged 
and  exposed  every  day,  its  numerous  side-sluices  and  its  tremen- 
dous "  bore  "  or  push  of  rushing  waters  heaped  up  from  the 
Gulf  in  the  straitening  of  their  course,  is  now  or  lately  much 
like  what  it  was  a  hundred  years  ago.  In  fact,  it  is  impossible 
to  square  Font's  map,  the  only  one  we  have  for  1775,  with 
modern  charts,  most  of  which  I  have  studied  with  care  for  our 
present  purpose.  Yet  there  is  a  position  which  answers  pretty 
well,  on  the  whole,  to  the  indications  that  Garces  gives.  This 
is  Arnold's  point,  about  the  upper  end  of  the  collateral  channel 
called  Hardy's  Colorado,  opposite  Howard's  Point,  above  Point 
Invincible  and  the  five  or  six  more  or  less  well  marked  islands 
in  the  delta;  and  that  such  was  Garces'  position,  approximately, 
I  have  no  doubt.  It  should  be  observed  that  Font  brings  the 
trail-dots  clear  down  to  the  open  coast  of  the  Gulf,  at  an  ap- 
parently impossible  point. 


THE   BORE   OF   THE   TIDE.  1 9 1 

night  {hize  noche).  About  dark  I  noticed  that  the 
current  of  the  waters  (la  corriente  de  las  aguas,  i.  e., 
the  tide)  which  in  the  morning  ran  toward  the  north- 
east, was  turning  to  the  southwest,  and  that  it  went 
down  disclosing  a  low  island;  at  the  same  time  I  heard 
a  great  noise  of  rushing  waters  [the  "bore"],  and 
hence  inferred  that  the  Rio  Colorado  runs  to  disem- 
bogue in  the  sea  through  two  arms  a  little  distance 
apart;  but  the  next  day  I  satisfied  myself  to  the  con- 
trary. 

Dec.  22.  This  (last)  night  I  heard  a  very  loud  noise 
of  waters;  as  soon  as  it  was  dawn  I  returned  to  the 
place  where  I  had  been  the  day  before  at  dusk,  and 
found  that  now  was  dry  the  whole  shore  (playa, 
strand,  beach),  nor  was  heard  any  noise  of  waters, 
there  remaining  only  a  little  water  in  a  tide-pool 
(sanjon)3*  into  which  I  threw  a  stick  to  see  if  there 
were  any  current,  but  it  was  no  longer  running  (pero 
no  se  men-eo).  That  night  had  risen  in  the  son j ones 
the  water  more  than  30  paces  (at  the  place  where  I 
was  on  the  21st).  The  water  of  the  zanjon  and  of  the 
other  pools  (charcos)  which  remained  I  saw  was  salt, 
but  not  so  much  so  as  that  of  the  sea,  from  which  I 
infer  that  on  the  21st  when  I  came  to  this  spot  I  ar- 

84  Sanjon — or  sanjon,  for  copy  has  both  forms — is  literally  a 
great  ditch,  here  used  for  tide-pool;  cut-off,  sluice-way,  or  col- 
lateral channel  of  the  river. 


I92  EARLIER    DISCOVERERS. 

rived  at  high  tide,  and  that  this  is  the  legitimate  dis- 
embogue of  the  Rio  Colorado,35  whose  noise  heard 

35  We  have  seen  the  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado 
by  Alarcon  and  Diaz  in  1540;  also,  its  rediscovery  by  Kino  in 
1702,  March  7.  In  July,  1746,  Fernando  Consag  entered  the 
mouth  by  way  of  the  Gulf;  details  may  be  read  in  Apost.  Afanes, 
pp.  348-388:  see  also  Venegas,  ii,  p.  308;  Bartlett,  Narr.,  ii,  p.  170; 
Bancroft,  No.  Mex.  St.,  i,  pp.  463-464,  with  Consag's  map  re- 
duced. On  this  map  an  island  at  the  mouth  is  named  San 
Ignacio.  Garces  appears  next,  on  the  present  journey — for  we 
have  no  assurance  that  he  descended  quite  so  far  in  1771.  In 
1826  Lieut.  R.  W.  H.  Hardy,  R.  N.,  made  an  exploration:  see 
his  Travels,  London,  1829,  p.  320.  He  put  the  mouth  in  lat. 
300  51'  N.,  long.  1140  01'  W.  (it  is  about  1150).  The  rest  of 
the  case  seems  to  be  quite  modern,  subsequent  to  our  occupation 
of  California  in  1847.  Probably  the  original  map  of  this  period 
is  Derby's,  already  cited,  4  m.  to  the  inch,  plotting  the  river  up 
to  Yuma.  This  marks  Pelican  and  Gull  islands  near  the  mouth; 
Point  Invincible  in  lat.  31  °  50'  N.,  long.  1140  39'  W.;  Howard's 
and  Arnold's  Points  opposite  each  other,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river,  where  it  was  joined  by  the  side  sluice  called  Hardy's 
Colorado,  inclosing  a  large  island;  and  higher  up  Heintzel- 
man's  point,  near  the  head  of  tidewater;  then  Ogden's  landing, 
Algodonnes,  Fort  Defiance,  and  Camp  Yuma,  with  the  mouth 
of  the  Gila  in  lat.  320  43'  32"  N.,  long.  114°  32'  51"  W.;  such 
being  almost  his  entire  nomenclature.  In  1857-58  came  the  de- 
tailed exploration  of  Lt.  J.  C.  Ives,  with  full  report  and  the 
beautiful  map  pub.  in  1861.  This  has  nearly  the  identical 
nomenclature  of  Derby's,  and  hardly  any  more  names  up  to 
Yuma,  though  it  marks  Pedrick's  at  320  30',  close  to  where  the 
U.  S.  and  Mexican  boundary  line  strikes  the  E.  side  of  the 
river.  His  survey  started  at  Camp  No.  1,  called  Robinson's 
landing  from  the  boat's  captain  (with  whom  I  navigated  the 
Colorado    from    Mojave    to    Yuma    and    back    in    1865),    near 


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SECTION   OF   IVES'    MAP   OF   THE    LOWER    COLORADO 


BACK    TO    RANCHERIA   DE   LAS   LLAGAS.  1Q3 

the  preceding  night  was  [the  "  bore  "]  of  the  next 
tide. 

I  returned  to  the  Rancheria  de  las  Llagas  by  the 
same  road  that  I  went  on  the  21st.  The  Indians  told 
me,  and  I  observed,  that  the  tide  reaches  these  ran- 
cherias;  for  here  the  shore  is  very  flat.  When  the 
Rio  Colorado  overflows  {viene  crecido)  these  waters 
extend  to  the  Sierra  de  Santa  Barbara,  which  is  a 
spur  (ramo)  of  the  sierra  that,  separated  from  the 
Sierra   Madre   de   Californias,36   runs   southeast   and 

Unwin's  point.  Comparison  of  Derby's  with  Ives'  map,  so 
near  together  in  dates,  shows  very  notable  discrepancies  in  the 
details  of  formation  of  the  delta.  It  may  be  added  that  Derby 
marks  the  sites  of  three  different  Indian  rancherias,  presumably 
of  Cocopas,  all  below  the  head  of  tidewater.  The  later  maps  I 
have,  as  that  of  the  U.  S.  Hydrographic  Office  (1877,  based  on 
surveys  by  Commdr.  George  Dewey  and  officers  of  the  U.  S.  S. 
Narragansett  in  1873-75,  corrected  to  1895),  of  the  War  Depart- 
ment, etc.,  throw  no  further  light  on  the  situation. 

°*  Sic,  in  the  plural,  probably  not  referring  to  the  two  modern 
Californias,  but  a  reminder  of  the  time  when  California  was 
supposed  to  be  an  archipelago  of  many  islands — Islas  de  las 
Californias.  When  Alarcon  went  up  the  Colorado  in  1540  he 
proved  to  the  contrary;  but  his  discoveries  were  forgotten  or 
ignored  for  many  years,  till,  at  the  end  of  that  century  and  be- 
ginning of  the  next,  Father  Kino  made  several  journeys  and 
took  great  pains  for  the  main  purpose  of  setting  this  matter 
right — though  not  with  such  complete  success  that  many  per- 
sons did  not  long  continue  in  doubt  on  the  subject.  In  later 
times,  on  the  political  and  ecclesiastical  separation  of  the  two 
modern  Californias,  they  were  distinguished  by  several  differ- 


194  VARIOUS    MOUNTAINS    SIGHTED. 

ends  on  these  shores,  leaving  a  large  valley  open 
hence  to  the  Sierra  de  San  Geronimo,  which  ends 
where  I  passed  the  night  of  the  18th.  Thus  I  per- 
ceive that  at  time  of  the  great  risings  of  the  river  the 
water  can  very  well  overflow  this  valley  or  strand 
that  there  is  between  the  two  sierras  of  Santa  Bar- 
bara and  of  San  Geronimo,37  as  far  as  the  place  where 
the  first  expedition  [of  1774]  found  stranded  that 
heap  of  fish  of  which  is  made  mention  in  the  diary. 
Beyond  the  Sierra  de  Santa  Barbara  I  saw  another, 
somewhat  larger,  which  begins  in  the  Sierra  Madre 
de  Californias  and  comes  to  an  end  on  the  shore  of  the 

ent  pairs  of  antithetical  names,  as  California  Antigua  or  Vieja 
and  California  Nueva,  California  del  Sur  and  California  del 
Norte,  California  Baxa  or  Baja  and  California  Alta — these  last 
being  of  course  the  source  of  our  Lower  California  and  Upper 
California,  though  we  have  lately  dropped  the  qualifying  term 
for  the  latter. 

17  Garces'  Santa  Barbara  and  San  Geronimo  mountains  are 
easily  recognized  on  any  good  modern  map,  but  mostly  without 
these  or  any  other  names.  Sierra  de  Santa  Barbara  is  the  short 
range  which  lies  immediately  west  of  and  runs  approx.  parallel 
with  the  Colorado  river  down  to  about  opposite  Heintzelman's 
point,  where  it  ends,  leaving  the  "  valley  or  strand  "  between  it- 
self and  the  next  range;  which  latter  begins  about  opposite  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  in  the  conspicuous  white  bluff  called  Range 
hill,  813  feet  high,  and  continuous  southward,  approx.  parallel 
with  the  west  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  California;  this  is  Garces' 
Sierra  de  San  Geronimo.  On  one  of  my  maps  I  find  the  other" 
range  lettered  "  Cocopas  mts." 


VARIOUS    MOUNTAINS   SIGHTED.  195 

sea;  this  I  called  (Sierra)  de  la  Natividad.  Beyond 
(both  of)  these  I  saw  another  larger  one  which,  aris- 
ing also  on  the  coast — I  mean,  in  the  Sierra  Madre — 
ends  likewise  on  the  coast;  this  has  at  its  point  a  pass 
or  gap  by  which,  according  to  what  the  Indians  said, 
the  waters  communicated,  and  I  called  it  (Puerto  de) 
San  Pedro.  Looking  eastward  I  discerned  another 
sierra,  high  but  short,  which  appeared  to  me  to  be 
the  Sierra  Prieta  38  that  is  about  west  of  Sonoitac,'" 

*"  Immediately  west  of  and  south  of  Sonoita  is  the  Sierra  de 
Sonoita,  "short  and  high,"  as  Garces  says;  but  this  is  behind 
the  range  which  immediately  skirts  the  gulf  on  the  Sonoran 
side,  and  I  should  suppose  the  latter  range  to  be  the  one  he 
means.  This  is  the  Sierra  Nazareno  or  Nazarine  range — the 
name  dating  back  to  Kino's  time.  Among  its  summits  is  a 
northern  one  called  Pinaculo  or  Pinnacle,  4.235  feet  high,  in  the 
offing  northeast  of  Adair  bay;  another  is  Table  peak,  1,363  feet. 
over  George's  bay.  Still  the  Sonoita  mountains  rise  above 
9,000  feet,  and  may  have  been  in  view  from  Garces'  position. 
There  is  a  Sierra  de  la  Cabeza  Prieta,  suggested  by  the  name 
(Sierra  Prieta)  which  Garces  uses,  but  this  is  entirely  in 
Arizona,  northwest  of  Sonoita. 

39  Sonoita,  Sonoitac,  Sonoitag,  Sonoyta,  etc.,  Sonoaita,  etc., 
was  a  rather  notable  place  in  N.  W.  Sonora,  just  over  the 
Arizona  line,  on  a  small  water  course  sometimes  called  Rio 
Papago,  sometimes  Rio  de  Sonoita,  and  also  on  the  most  direct 
route,  almost  necessary  to  be  taken  for  water,  between  several 
points  on  the  lower  Gila,  and  such  places  as  Caborca,  Saric, 
Tubutama,  etc.  It  still  exists,  and  may  be  found  by  its  original 
name  on  modern  maps.  Its  history  dates  from  Feb.  16,  1690, 
when  it  was  a  Papago  rancheria  visited  on  that  day  by  Kino, 
Adam   Gil,   and  J.    M.    Mange — "  la   rancheria   que   intitulamos 


It)6  SONOITA    NOTED. 

of  which  I  make  mention  in  the  year  of  177 1.  I  per- 
suade myself  by  all  the  above  said,  which  I  have  seen, 
that  in  the  time  of  the  lesser  waters  of  the  Rio  Colo- 
rado it  will  be  possible  to  pass  this  way  to  the  mis- 
sions of  California  Baxa. 

During  my  stay  (plies  estando  yd)  in  this  place  ar- 
rived many  mountain  Indians  (Jndios  Serranos — the 
Comeyas)  to  eat  of  the  fruits  which  those  of  these 
rancherias  gather,  and  they  asked  me  if  I  was  going 

San  Marcelo  de  Sonoita  "  says  Mange  in  his  Diary,  pub.  in  1856, 
Doc.  para  Hist.  Mex.,  4th  ser.,  i,  p.  296.  Some  years  afterward 
the  name  was  changed  to  San  Miguel  de  Sonoita,  "  in  accord- 
ance with  the  wishes  of  the  Marques  de  Villapuente,  who  at  his 
death  in  1739  had  endowed  this  mission  and  that  of  Busanic," 
Bancroft,  No.  Mex.  St.,  i,  p.  543.  Such  was  its  style  as  a  mis- 
sion in  November,  1751,  when  it  was  destroyed  in  the  dreadful 
Pima  insurrection  which  laid  waste  also  Saric,  Tubutama, 
Caborca,  etc.,  and  cost  many  lives — among  them  that  of 
Padre  Henry  or  Henrique  Ruen,  Ruhen,  Rhuen,  or  Ruhn,  the 
missionary  at  Sonoita.  Aside  from  perpetual  Apache  ravages, 
this  revolt  of  Pima  was  the  most  serious  disturbance  Sonora 
ever  suffered  from  the  Indians.  The  Rudo  Ensayo  says,  p.  167: 
"  One  single  malcontent,  one  puffed  up,  haughty  man  like  a 
Luis  del  Saric,  with  the  reputation  of  a  sorcerer,  is  sufficient  to 
cause  the  ruin  of  a  whole  nation.  We  are  still  [in  1762]  deplor- 
ing the  sad  consequence  of  the  rebellion  plotted  by  this  man  in 
1751,  traces  of  which,  together  with  the  cruel  Seris,  still  keep 
the  royal  troops  in  continual  motion."  The  author,  moraliz- 
ing on  the  subject,  gives  as  the  "  four  foundations  of  Indian 
character  "  ignorance,  ingratitude,  inconstancy,  and  laziness — 
"  the  pivot  on  which  the  life  of  the  Indian  turns." 


VARIOUS   INCIDENTS.  1 97 

to  visit  the  padres  of  California  Baxa,  or  those  of  San 
Diego.  These  Serranos  who  come  down  to  these  na- 
tions of  the  river  are  different  in  many  respects. 
They  are  very  poor,  they  are  very  ugly,  and  degener- 
ated (desmcdrados);  they  are  very  dirty,  on  account 
of  the  much  mezcal  that  they  eat;  their  idiom  is  for- 
eign to  those  of  the  river.40  They  were  very  affable 
to  me,  and  to  divert  me  they  brought  a  girl  of  about 
10  years,  who,  covering  up  what  was  most  necessary, 
threw  the  right  leg  over  the  left  shoulder,  took  a 
stick  in  the  hand,  and  in  this  shape  danced,  ran,  and 
leaped,  repeating  then  (the  performance)  with  the  left 
leg;  all  the  which  was  greeted  with  loud  laughs  by  the 
Serranos  and  Cucapas  of  the  rancherias  where  I  was. 
Here  they  stole  a  knife  that  my  Indian  was  carrying; 
at  which  the  river  Indians  manifested  so  much  feeling 
that  if  I  had  not  interfered  they  would  have  destroyed 
the  rancheria  of  the  petty  thief.  It  is  evident  that 
these  poor  (people)  have  never  before  seen  do- 
mestic animals,  especially  mules;  because  the  In- 
dian Sevastian  told  me  that  they  saluted  them  (the 
mules)  as  if  they  were  people.  This  is  certain,  that 
two  or  three  nights  they  removed  the  hobbles,  and 

40  The  Comeya  or  Quemaya,  with  whom  the  Diegueno  are 
also  sometimes  classed,  had  a  different  dialect  from  that  of  the 
Cocopas  and  other  Yuman  tribes  of  the  Colorado  of  the  same 
linguistic  stock. — F.  W.   H. 


I98  THE    JOURNEY    CONTINUED. 

took  them  (the  mules)  to  another  rancheria  to  give 
them  to  eat  calabashes.  One  day  the  jack  mule 
mired  down;  and  the  Indians,  seeing  that  he  could 
not  get  out,  all  came  to  his  assistance,  took  him  in 
their  arms,  carried  him  to  the  fire,  and  warmed  and 
consoled  him. 

Dec.  23.  We  departed  for  the  east,  and  passing  by 
a  laguna,  having  gone  half  a  league  there  was  a  ran- 
cheria of  about  200  souls,  and  another  which  would 
appear  to  be  of  mountain  Indians  (Serranos).  I 
made  them  some  presents,  and  having  gone  about 
4  leagues  northwest  [sic]  and  north  approached  the 
river  opposite  (en f rente  de)  some  high  hills  which 
were  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  to  which  in  the 
diary  of  the  year  of  1771  I  gave  the  name  of  Buena- 
vista.41  I  said  to  the  Indians,  "  See!  that  is  the  place 
where  is  to  be  situated  (donde  se  ha  de  potter)  the  house 
of  the  padre  and  of  the  Espanoles  who  may  come  with 
him."  The  Indians  were  overjoyed  at  this  news,  and 
told  me  that  they  would  fetch  the  poles  (pahs)  to 
build  the  house  of  the  padre.     I  observe  that  this  sit- 

"  I  cannot  locate  Buenavista,  for  I  have  not  the  Diary  of  1771, 
and  what  Arricivita  says  of  it  throws  no  light  on  the  situation. 
We  quite  lose  the  good  padre  here,  and  do  not  find  him  till  he 
is  with  Eisarc  again  at  Yuma.  The  place  where  anything  which 
could  be  called  a  mesa  touches  the  river  on  the  east  side  is 
Ogden's  landing;  but  it  is  certain  that  no  mission  was  ever 
founded  there. 


THE    RETURN    TO    YUMA.  199 

uation  is  the  best,  or  one  of  the  best,  that  there  is  on 
the  Rio  Colorado  for  founding  a  mission.  It  is  a 
large  and  very  high  mesa  immediately  upon  the  river, 
with  plenty  of  grass  below  it  (azia  abajo),  and  a 
cienega  of  water  at  a  little  distance.  The  Indians 
asked  me  when  we  should  go  on,  for  the  fear  that  they 
have  of  the  Indians  above.  From  here  they  returned 
to  their  rancherias,  and  I  continued  my  journey  up 
river,  examining  well  the  places  (passed)  until  (I 
reached)  the  Yumas. 

I  put  the  Cucapa  nation  at  about  30  hundred  souls. 
The  Jalliquamais,  at  about  20  hundred.  The  Ca- 
juenche,  at  about  30  hundred.  Of  the  Serranos  I 
could  form  no  estimate,  because  I  only  saw  those  who 
came  down  to  the  river;  but  those  of  this  (river)  say 
that  those  of  the  sierra  are  few  compared  with  them- 
selves. 

Until  my  arrival  at  the  Yumas,  where  I  had  left 
my  companion  Padre  Eisarc,  I  consumed  the  rest  of 
the  month  of  December,  and  three  days  of  the  fol- 
lowing January.42 

a  I  have  nothing  whatever  of  Garces'  movements  for  Dec. 
24.  1775 — Jan.  2,  1776.  No  doubt,  however,  he  traveled  up  the 
west  of  the  Colorado  to  Yuma,  where  we  find  him  on  the  3d. 


CHAPTER  V. 

UP    RIO    COLORADO    FROM    YUMA    TO    MOJAVE,    JANUARY, 
FEBRUARY,    I776. 

Jan.  3,  1776.  I  arrived  at  the  Puerto  de  la  Con- 
cepcion  at  night,  and  unspeakable  is  the  joy  that  I 
felt,  finding  my  beloved  Padre  Eisarc  in  health  and 
well  content  with  the  Yumas.  He  told  me  that  in 
my  absence  they  had  served  and  obeyed  him  very  well 
(grand 'entente),  bringing  wood  and  making  him  cakes 
to  eat,  almost  in  the  same  manner  as  it  is  done  in  the 
missions.  I  gave  a  thousand  thanks  to  God  to  hear 
them  sing  some  psalms  divine  that  the  padre  had 
taught  them,  and  to  see  that  many  came  to  hear  mass. 
In  all  these  pious  things  is  singular  the  Captain 
Palma,  who  though  still  gentile  would  put  to  the 
blush  (era  confusion  de)  many  veteran  Christians  by 
the  reverence  and  humility  with  which  he  assisted  at 
the  holy  sacrifice,  imitating  the  most  devout  in  mak- 
ing the  sign  of  the  cross,  beating  the  breast,  and  other 
demonstrations  of  devotion.  The  padre  has  formed 
a  concept,  and  I  with  him,  that  the  Yumas  are  in  a 


CAPTAIN    PALM  A  S   THEOLOGY.  20  r 

disposition  proximate  to  Christianism,  which  nation 
will  be  able  to  aggregate  themselves  in  a  little  while 
in  the  church.  I  asked  the  Captain  Palma  if  he  had 
any  knowledge  of  God  before  he  had  treated  with 
the  padres.  He  replied  to  me,  "  Yes,  though  not  so 
clear  (an  understanding)  as  now."  In  regard  to  the 
destiny  of  souls  he  coincided  with  the  nonsense 
(delirios)  already  related  of  the  Opas.  He  told  me 
further  that  we  did  not  feel  the  death  of  our  relatives 
as  they  (the  Yumas)  that  of  theirs,  since  having  seen 
funerals  of  Espanoles  (he  knew  that  the  Yumas) 
mourn  not  as  we  do.  (This  captain  has  been  several 
times  *  in  the  Presidio  del  Altar,2  as  also  in  the  Villa 

1  Twice,  in  March,  1778,  and  subsequently.  In  referring  to 
these  visits  Garces  is  not  writing  ex  post  facto,  as  his  Diary  was 
completed  at  Tubutama  Jan.  3,  1777.  The  parenthetical  state- 
ment is  therefore  an  interpolation  of  the  copyist  or  scholiast. 
I  find  it  in  parentheses  in  my  copy,  breaking  in  upon  Garces' 
statement  of  Spanish  and  Yuman  mortuary  ceremonies. 

2  The  name  of  this  place  originated  with  Kino,  on  or  about 
Mar.  19,  1694,  when  he  was  traveling  with  Mange  down  the 
river  from  Tubutama  to  Caborca  on  an  entrada  to  the  Sobas. 
Mange's  diary  of  the  trip  may  be  read  in  Doc.  para  Hist.  Mex.. 
4th  ser.,  vol.  i,  p.  242,  seq. :  see  also  my  notice  of  Kino,  beyond. 
The  name  clung  to  the  place,  which  later  became,  as  it  is  now, 
the  principal  one  on  the  river,  and  was  early  extended  to  the 
whole  river,  which  in  1694  was  known  as  Rio  de  Tubutama; 
it  is  the  principal  branch  of  the  one  known  as  Rio  de  la  Asun- 
cion, Rio  de  San  Ignacio,  and  sometimes  Rio  Magdalena. 
Altar  is  the  present  name  of  the  place  and  of  the  river.  El  Altar, 


202       ALTAR  AND  HORCASITAS  NOTED. 

de  San  Miguel  de  Orcasitas,3  when  he  went  to  visit 
the    Senor    Governador    Don    Francisco    Antonio 

the  place,  was  a  settlement  of  the  Soba  branch  of  the  Papago 
tribe,  and  was  known  as  Pitic  (not  to  be  confounded  with  Pitic, 
otherwise  San  Pedro  de  la  Conquista,  the  Seri  rancheria  that  be- 
came the  present  town  of  Hermosilla  on  Rio  de  Sonora;  pre- 
sidio founded  there  1741).  In  1694  the  mission  of  Tubutama 
was  in  charge  of  Daniel  Januski,  or  Janusqui,  who  had  come  in 
1693;  but  after  the  mission  of  Caborca  was  founded  Pitic  or 
Altar  became  a  visita  of  the  latter,  prior  to  1701,  and  had  313 
inhabitants  in  1730.  In  1753-54  the  Presidio  del  Altar  was  estab- 
lished, in  consequence  of  the  great  Pima  revolt  of  1751,  under 
Captain  Don  Bernardo  de  Urrea,  with  a  garrison  of  about  50 
men,  these  being  20  added  to  the  30  of  the  old  Presidio  de 
Cinaloa  which  was  removed  to  Buenavista  at  the  Yaqui  rebel- 
lion of  1741,  and  to  Pimeria  Alta  in  1751:  see  Rudo  Ensayo,  p. 

255- 

'  Orcasitas,  or  Horcasitas,  or  San  Miguel  de  Orcasitas,  was  a 
place  on  Rio  de  San  Miguel  or  Rio  de  Horcasitas,  the  principal 
branch  of  Rio  de  Sonora.  The  place  will  be  found  on  some 
modern  maps  by  the  name  simply  of  San  Miguel.  Horcasitas 
is  a  part  of  the  name  of  Don  Juan  Francisco  de  Giiemes  y 
Horcasitas,  otherwise  Conde  de  Revilla  Gigedo,  41st  viceroy 
of  New  Spain,  July  9,  1746,  to  1755.  San  Miguel  de  Horcasitas, 
the  town,  and  its  presidio  of  the  same  name,  were  close  together 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  river.  In  1741,  when  Don  Augustin 
Vildasola  became  governor  of  Sonora,  two  new  presidios  were 
erected,  one  of  them  at  Pitic  (or  San  Pedro  de  la  Conquista, 
modern  Hermosilla),  which  was  ordered  to  be  disestablished 
in  1744.  But  the  governor  resisted,  and  the  order  was  not  at 
once  carried  into  effect,  as  we  have  record  of  the  Presidio  de 
Pitiqui  for  a  few  years  (for  example  in  Villa-Sefior  y  Sanchez, 
Teatro  Amer.,  ii,  1748,  p.  392).  This  presidio  appears,  however, 
to  have  been  moved  about   1748-50  from   Pitic  to   Horcasitas, 


CAPTAIN    PALMA  S   DISCOURSE.  JO3 

Crespo,4  and  to  beg  liim  that  there  should  come  to  his 
land  padres  and  Espaiioles.)  How  this  nation  and 
the  others  that  I  have  seen  do  (mourn  their  dead)  I 
will  tell  in  the  reflections  that  I  will  give  at  the  end 
(of  this  Diary). 

One  day  of  those  that  I  was  here  came  the  Coco- 
maricopas  and  Jalchedunes,  and  according  to  what 
the  interpreter  told  me  Captain  Palma  spoke  to  them 
in  this  manner:  "  Now  are  we  brothers  who  formerly 
were  enemies.  This  good  has  come  upon  us  by 
means  of  the  padres  and  Espanoles,  on  whose  account 
have  I  already  laid  down  arms.  Think  not  that  this 
has  been  through  fear;  for  indeed  ye  know  that  I  have 
many  people,  and  that  now  are  my  friends  the  Ca- 
juenches,  Quemayas,  Yabipais,  and  Jamajabs.  They 
have  told  me  that  ye  Jalchedunes  are  not  firm  in  the 
peace  which  we  have  made.     Take  up  arms  if  ye  will; 

and  the  new  Presidio  de  Horcasitas  thus  founded  long  con- 
tinued a  notable  post  in  its  new  site.  In  1763  it  was  one  of  the 
five  Sonoran  presidios,  the  four  others  being  at  Altar,  Tubac, 
Terrenate,  and  Fronteras;  at  this  date  the  neighboring  town  of 
San  Miguel  de  Horcasitas  was  the  most  populous  and  poorest 
place  in  the  vicinity,  and  the  presidio  was  the  residence  of  the 
governor.  About  this  time  the  place  seems  to  have  had  some 
claim  or  pretension  to  be  considered  the  capital  of  Sonora,  but 
does  not  appear  to  have  ever  actually  enjoyed  that  distinction. 
4  Governor  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  from  1774.  when  he  suc- 
ceeded Mateo  Sastre,  to  the  organization  of  the  Provincias 
Internas  in  1777. 


204  PUERTO   DE   SAN    CARLOS    NOTED. 

but  I  am  enough,  with  the  Espanoles,  to  chastise  ye. 
Tell  me,  who  are  we,  that  we  should  oppose  the 
soldiers?  These  are  now  on  the  march;  for  indeed 
ye  know  that  there  are  Espanoles  on  the  coast,5  and 
near  Moqui." 

From  this  discourse  it  is  seen  that  Indians  are  not 
such  fools  as  some  think;  and  that  by  special  divine 
providence  they  are  afraid  where  there  is  nothing  to 
fear.6 

In  these  days  I  baptized  seven  moribund  persons. 

As  the  Danzarines,  who  live  in  the  sierra  at  the 
Puerto  de  San  Carlos  7  and  thence  northward,  saw 

5  Of  California,  at  San  Diego  de  Alcala  (but  mission  destroyed 
Nov.  4,  1775),  San  Carlos  de  Monterey,  San  Gabriel  Arcangel, 
San  Luis  Obispo,  and  San  Juan  Capistrano  (begun  1775,  but 
not  formally  existent  till  Nov.  1,  1776).  Padre  Escalante  was, 
in  1775,  the  missionary  at  Zufii,  "  near  Moqui." 

6  In  the  original:  "  En  este  discurso  se  ve  que  los  Indios  .no 
son  tan  tontos  como  algunos  piensan,  y  que  por  especial 
providencia  divina  temen  donde  no  hay  que  temer  " — that  is 
to  say,  it  took  a  miracle  to  make  such  clever  Indians  afraid  to 
oppose  the  Spaniards  under  the  circumstances. 

7  Puerto  de  San  Carlos  or  St.  Charles  pass  can  be  located 
with  precision  as  the  modern  San  Gorgonio  pass  or  San  Ti- 
moteo  canon,  through  which  the  railroad  runs  between  the 
San  Bernardino  mts.  on  the  N.  and  the  San  Jacinto  mts.  on 
the  S. ;  stations  San  Gorgonio,  Banning,  San  Jacinto,  White- 
water, etc.  It  was  named  Mar.  15,  1774,  on  Anza's  expedition 
with  Garces  and  Juan  Diaz;  on  the  20th  they  crossed  Rio  de 
Santa  Ana,  and  on  the  22d  were  at  the  mission  of  San  Gabriel. 
This  fixes  the  habitat  of  the  otherwise  somewhat  elusive  Dan- 


THE    DANZARINES    OR    JEQUICHES.  205 

that  their  friends  the  Jalchedunes  had  already  made 
peace  with  the  Yumas,  and  knew  that  we  were  there, 
they  came  down  and  made  peace  also.  This  nation, 
whom  on  the  former  expedition  we  called  Danzarines 
on  account  of  the  ridiculous  gesticulations  they  make 
when  they  talk,  is  known  to  the  nations  on  the  river 
by  the  name  of  Jequiches.8 

In  token  of  friendship  the  Cajuenches  called  upon 
Palma  and  his  friends  to  come  down  on  a  tour 
through  their  lands  to  eat  calabashes. 

There  came  one  day  a  Quemaya  who  brought  word 
that  he  had  heard  {refirio  segun  trajeron  el  recado)  that 

zarines  or  Jequiches,  lettered  "  Jecuich  "  on  the  map  Font  made 
at  Tubutama  in  1777.  We  hear  of  the  Puerto  de  San  Carlos 
again,  in  connection  with  our  present  expedition  of  1775-76; 
for  on  p.  87  of  Font's  Diary,  at  date  of  Dec.  26,  1775,  we  read 
that  the  expedition  left  a  certain  dry  arroyo  at  9.15  a.  m.,  and 
at  2.00  p.  m.  halted  in  a  piece  of  low  ground  (baxio)  immediately 
under  the  steep  rocks  {penascas)  which  form  the  Puerto  de  la 
Sierra  Madre  de  California,  called  the  Puerto  de  San  Carlos, 
etc.  On  the  31st  they  were  on  the  Rio  de  Santa  Ana,  and  they 
arrived  at  the  mission  of  San  Gabriel  Jan.  4,  1776. 

s  This  was  the  Yuman  name  of  these  Indians,  whom  Garces 
called  the  "  Dancers."  They  were  probably  of  Shoshonean 
stock,  and  we  may  look  for  their  survivors  among  the  so-called 
Mission  Indians.  Just  north  of  the  Puerto  de  San  Carlos  or 
San  Gorgonio  pass  was  the  boundary  between  the  Shoshonean 
tribes  and  the  Yuman.  The  name  appears  as  Tecuiche  in  Jose 
Cortes,  as  quoted  in  Whipple's  Report,  iii,  pt.  3.  p.  125,  where  we 
read  that  they  "  have  their  hordes  as  far  as  the  port  of  San  Car- 
los " — apparently  a  statement  derived  from  Garces.— F.  W.  H. 


206  BAD    NEWS   FROM    SAN    DIEGO. 

already  were  united  two  or  three  nations  to  fight 
against  the  Espanoles  of  the  seacoast;  that  already 
had  they  killed  a  padre  and  burned  his  house;  that  to 
the  Espanoles  who  had  passed  through  the  Yumas  9 
they  had  done  nothing,  because  they  knew  that  they 
(Spaniards)  were  their  (Yumas')  friends;  that  if  these 
Espanoles  united  themselves  with  those  that  there 
were  on  the  coast  and  should  make  war  together,  then 
they  (the  Indians)  would  defend  themselves  and  rob 
them  (the  Spaniards)  of  all  they  possessed;  that  he 
brought  this  message  on  behalf  of  his  nation,  because 
they  well  knew  that  they  were  very  old  friends;  that 
they  did  not  seek  to  take  up  arms,  but  only  to  remain 
quiet  if  perchance  there  should  be  war.  As  almost 
every  day  we  heard  various  idle  tales  (cuentos)  that 
the  Indians  told  us,  we  did  not  then  credit  {no  dimos 
asenso  entonzes  a)  this  information;  but  it  turned  out 
to  be  true.10     It  is  easily  seen  how  important  it  is  to 

*  That  is,  to  the  Spaniards  of  Anza's  present  expedition  of 
1775-76,  which  had  just  passed  through  the  Yumas  and  not 
been  molested  on  the  coast  of  California  while  en  route  to  San 
Francisco. 

10  Unfortunately  it  was  only  too  true,  for  this  report  was  that 
of  the  outbreak  at  San  Diego  of  Nov.  4,  1775,  when  Padre  Luis 
Jaume  or  Jaime  and  others  were  killed,  and  the  mission  was 
temporarily  broken  up  by  the  Dieguenos.  This  was  the  first 
mission  ever  established  in  California  Alta;  its  full  name  was 
San  Diego  de  Alcala,  the  same  as  that  long  before  given  by 
Vizcaino  to  the  Bay  of  San  Diego  on  which  the  foundation  was 


SAN    DIEGO    MISSION    NOTED.  207 

have  on  our  side  the  nations  of  the  river,  not  only 
in  order  that  we  may  be  able  to  pass  whenever  it  may 

made,  so  called  from  St.  James  of  Alcala  in  Spain,  a  Franciscan 
friar  who  lived  1400-63,  was  canonized  1588,  and  still  has  his 
day  on  Nov.  12.  About  40  persons  of  all  sorts  formed  the 
settlement  at  the  Indian  rancheria  Cosoy,  identical  with  modern 
Old  Town  on  the  bay,  on  Sunday,  July  16,  1769,  when  Padre 
Junipero  Serra  formally  started  the  establishment  by  raising 
and  blessing  the  cross  and  executing  the  other  ecclesiastical 
functions  which  were  "  to  put  to  flight  all  the  hosts  of  hell  and 
subject  to  the  mild  yoke  of  our  holy  faith  the  barbarity  of  the 
gentile  Dieguinos."  But  these  gentile,  though  not  gentle,  bar- 
barians were  a  squalid  and  stolid  set  who  did  not  fancy  a  yoke 
of  any  sort,  and  preferred  to  go  scot-free  in  the  ways  to  which 
they  had  been  used,  as  we  shall  see.  The  original  site  of  the 
mission,  and  of  the  presidio  founded  there  very  soon  after- 
ward, did  not  prove  desirable,  and  by  1773  there  were  several 
propositions  made  for  its  removal.  The  change  was  made  in 
August,  1774,  when  the  mission  was  moved  about  five  miles 
northeastward,  up  the  valley,  to  a  place  called  by  the  Indians 
Nipaguay,  some  six  miles  from  the  present  harbor  and  city  of 
San  Diego.  Hence  the  mission  was  often  called  San  Diego 
de  Nipaguay,  and  by  the  end  of  1774  consisted  of  a  wooden 
church  thatched  with  tule,  57  x  18  feet,  an  adobe  blacksmith's 
shop,  several  dwellings  or  storehouses,  etc.  There  had  been 
no  great  change  from  this  condition  at  the  time  when  the 
storm  burst,  on  the  night  of  Nov.  4-5,  1775,  without  any  warn- 
ing. The  disaffected  Dieguenos  attacked  and  burned  the  mis- 
sion, killing  Padre  Jaume  and  several  other  persons  of  the  little 
company  of  eleven  Spaniards.  The  cause  of  the  outbreak  is 
not  very  specific,  but  seems  rather  to  have  been  a  general  dis- 
satisfaction of  the  Indians  far  and  near  at  the  way  they  were 
treated  by  their  new  masters;  it  is  therefore  the  same  old  story. 
We  have  full  details  of  the  disaster,  as  in  the  report  of  Nov.  30, 


208  APACHE    MOJAVES    NOTED 

be  convenient  to  the  establishments  of  Monte-Rei, 
but  also  in  order  that  these  may  subsist;  as  I  will 
make  clear  at  the  end  of  the  Diary. 

Besides  the  continual  visits  which  the  Jalchedunes 
made  us,  there  arrived  here  nine  Indians  whose  na- 
tion they  here  call  Yabipias  Tejua,11  and  we  Apaches. 

J77S.  by  Lieut.  Ortega  to  Lt.-Col.  Anza,  and  in  the  mission 
books,  especially  the  account  by  Padre  Fuster,  who  survived 
his  compadre  Jaume:  for  these  and  other  original  sources  of 
information,  see  Bancroft,  Hist.  Cal.,  i,  pp.  249-256.  The  San 
Diego  mission  was  re-established  in  October  of  the  next  year, 
1776,  and  continued  to  flourish  without  special  mishap  till  its 
abolition  in  1834. 

11  This  tribe  is  more  widely  known  under  the  name  Apache 
Mohave,  meaning  "  hostile  "  or  "  wild  "  Mohaves,  and  not  indi- 
cating an  admixture  of  Apache  and  Mohave.  When  they  first 
became  definitely  known  the  Yavapai  or  Apache  Mohave  occu- 
pied the  interior  region  of  western  Arizona  from  Bill  Williams 
fork  southward  to  Castle  Dome,  Eagletail,  and  Bighorn  moun- 
tains, eastward  to  the  vicinity  of  a  line  drawn  about  south  of 
Prescott.  They  seem  gradually  to  have  drifted  eastward,  and  in 
1873,  vvhen  they  were  rounded  up  and  placed  under  the  Rio 
Verde  agency,  they  claimed  as  their  territory  the  valley  of  the 
Verde  and  the  Black  mesa,  and  from  the  Rio  Salado  northward 
to  the  neighborhood  of  Bill  Williams  mountain.  At  this  time 
they  are  said  to  have  numbered  about  1,000.  In  1875  they  were 
removed  to  San  Carlos  Agency,  Arizona,  where  they  now  num- 
ber 526.  The  name  is  said  to  be  derived  from  a  native  term 
signifying  "sun  people."  Other  forms  are:  Cruzados  (of 
Onate,  1604);  Jum-pys,  Nichoras,  Niforas,  Nigoras,  Nijor, 
Nijoras  (Pima  name);  Nijotes,  Niojoras,  Nixoras  (in  Font), 
Nyavapai,  Tontos  (not  the  Tonto  Apache),  Tubessias,  Yabapais. 


THESE   YABIPAIS   TEJUA.  200. 

These  Yabipais  are  old  friends  of  the  Yumas,  and  so 
they  had  a  great  feast.  They  came  as  they  are  accus- 
tomed to  do  every  year,  to  eat  of  the  fruits  of  the 
land;  they  come  in  winter,  for  then  is  the  road 
good,  which  is  a  five-days'  journey  through  very 
rough  (quebrada,  broken)  country.  These  Yabipais 
danced  whilst  we  were  eating,  and  afterward 
we  showed  them  the  images,  vestments,  and 
other  trifles  (y  demas  cositas)  which  we  possessed; 
at  all  of  which  they  manifested  great  compla- 
cency, and  the  next  day  they  heard  mass  with  the 
same  attention  as  Captain  Palma  (did).  There  was 
a  Yuma  who  understood  the  Yabipai  language  well, 
and  by  this  means  I  asked  them  how  they  lived;  on 
what  did  they  subsist;  who  were  their  friends;  and 
whether  they  ever  came  to  the  land  of  the  Espanoles, 
or  the  Espanoles  to  theirs.  They  replied  that  they 
lived  scattered  about  (csparramados) ;  that  the  regular 
means  of  subsistence  was  the  chase,  though  they  also 

Yabijoias,  Yabipaces,  Yabipaiye,  Yabipay,  Yabipias,  Yalipays, 
Yampaio,  Yampais,  Yampaos,  Yampas,  Yampay,  Yampi,  Yam- 
pias,  Yapapi,  Yavape,  Yavapies,  Yavaipais,  Yavipay,  Yubipias, 
Yubissias,  Yum-pis,  Yupapais,  Yurapeis. 

"  The  Tejuas  are  neighbors  [of  the  Mohave]  on  the  east  bank 
of  the  Colorado,  below  the  little  Colorado,"  says  Taylor  in 
California  Farmer,  Jan.  31,  1862.  This  would  make  them 
Yuman,  and  doubtless  a  branch  of  the  Yavapai.  They  of  course 
have  no  connection  with  the  Tigua  or  Tegua,  pueblo  In- 
dians of  New  Mexico. — F.  W.  H. 


210  THE    SUBJECT    CONTINUED. 

raised  some  corn  and  a  few  calabashes;  that  their  old 
friends  are  the  Yumas,  Jamajabs,  and  (certain)  other 
Yabipais  of  the  east  who  are  enemies  of  the  Es- 
pafioles, and  that  these  never  have  come  to  their 
lands,  nor  have  they  themselves  ever  gone  to  those 
of  the  Espafioles;  that  they  are  enemies  of  (certain) 
other  Yabipais  that  there  are  on  the  north  of  the 
Moquinos  (Moquis),  of  the  Cocomaricopas  and  (Pi- 
mas)  Gilefios;  but  once  that  all  made  peace,  as  indeed 
they  saw  and  had  heard  said  (was  to  be  done),  then 
they  would  do  likewise  with  all;  and  (they  said)  also 
that  they  knew  that  the  Yabipais  of  the  East,  their 
friends,  had  great  fear  because  many  Espafioles  were 
entering  into  their  lands.  I  told  them  that  they 
should  seek  to  live  all  together  in  some  good  place, 
and  give  their  children  for  baptism;  that  I  would 
come  to  see  them,  and  they  should  procure  peace  with 
all  their  enemies;  that  soon  would  come  the  padres 
and  the  Espafioles  to  live  on  the  Rio  Gila  and  also 
on  the  Rio  Colorado;  then  no  longer  would  be  their 
enemies  either  the  Jalchedunes,  or  the  Yabipais  of 
the  North,  or  the  Moquinos,  because  these  are  friends 
of  the  Espaholes  of  New  Mexico;  and  thus  would 
everything  be  settled  (todo  se  compondria).  They  re- 
plied that  on  returning  to  their  land  they  would 
assemble  the  people,  and  tell  them  all  that  Captain 
Palma  and  I  said.     To  the  nine  I  gave  to  understand 


REMOVAL   TO    PUERTO   DE   LA    CONCEPCION.       211 

that  Espanoles  only  do  harm  to  bad  people,  and  when 
they  cease  to  be  bad,  then  war  ceases. 

These  Yabipais  reported,  and  the  same  did  the  Co- 
comaricopas,  that  the  Rio  Gila  was  beginning  to  rise 
and  would  run  much  water;  and  for  this  reason  was 
it  necessary  to  move  the  hut  (xacal)  from  the  house 
of  Captain  Palma  to  the  Puerto  de  la  Concepcion. 
Padre  Fray  Tomas  did  this,  aided  by  the  interpreters 
and  by  some  Yumas.  Not  because  these  Indians  as- 
sisted in  this  work  is  it  to  be  supposed  that  the  gen- 
tiles can  be  compelled  hereafter  to  build  the  habita- 
tion of  the  minister,  or  the  church,  for  already  are 
known  the  evils  which  may  result ;  and  this  being  con- 
sidered a  thing  certain  and  just,  it  will  be  necessary 
for  these  first  buildings  to  go  on  under  the  hands  of 
the  Espanoles,  or  of  the  soldiers  themselves,  in  so  far 
at  least  that  there  may  be  an  adobe  apartment  in 
which  can  be  kept  safe  from  accidental  or  incendiary 
fire  our  most  valuable  and  necessary  possessions. " 

u  Garces  is  thinking  of  certain  official  regulations  or  restric- 
tions regarding  employment  of  Indians  in  the  construction  of 
buildings  for  the  Spaniards.  The  whole  sentence,  not  easy  to 
render  word  for  word,  stands  as  follows  in  the  original:  "No 
por  que  estos  Indios  ayudaron  a  este  trabajo  se  ha  de  pensar 
que  se  puede  obligar  desde  luego  a  los  Gentiles  a  que  hagan  la 
avitacion  (for  habitacion)  del  Ministro  e  Yglesia  pues  se  deja 
conocer  las  malas  resultas  que  puede  tcner,  y  supuesto  esto 
como  cosa  cierta  y  justa,  sera  preciso  que  estas  primeras  fabricas 


212      EXAMINATION    OF   PUERTO   DE    SAN    PABLO. 

One  day  during  my  stay  here  I  went  down  to  the 
Puerto  de  San  Pablo,  to  examine  more  carefully  the 
site  where  could  be  best  founded  the  mission.  I 
found  one  very  advantageous,  between  the  sierra  and 
the  shore  (medandl),  among  some  high  hills  that  are 
beyond  the  puerto,  in  whose  immediate  vicinity  there 
is  a  channel  (zanjon)  through  which  runs  the  water 
when  the  river  is  high;  and  when  it  is  not,  with  facility 
can  be  dug  wells  which  may  hold  much  water;  and 
even  now  water  can  be  had  by  opening  a  little  the 
paderon  13  of  the  river.  This  situation  affords  plenty 
of  grass,  and  I  consider  it  as  very  much  to  the  pur- 
pose of  founding  a  mission. 

corren  por  mano  de  los  Espanoles,  6  de  los  mismos  Soldados 
como  tambien  que  a  lo  menos  una  pieza  sea  de  adove  para  poder 
guardar  en  ella  libre  de  un  Yncendio  casual  6  maquinado  lo 
mas  precioso  6  preciso  que  se  Hebe." 

13  The  clause  runs:  "  y  aun  se  puede  hazer  ya  por  ella  abriendo 
un  poco  el  Paderon  del  Rio."  This  word  paderon  would  be  a 
corker,  could  we  not  discover  that  it  is  an  anagram  by  the 
scribe's  slip  of  the  pen  for  paredon,  large  wall,  sc.  high  bank  of 
the  river.  The  Beaumont  MS.,  fol.  17,  and  the  pub.  Doc,  p. 
267,  both  read  paredon.  Nevertheless  it  is  a  curious  fact  that 
in  Arizona  to-day  you  can  hear  paderon  said  by  Mexicans  as  a 
sort  of  provincialism.  Garces  means  that  if  the  wells  he  speaks 
of  should  not  answer,  water  could  be  fetched  directly  from  the 
river  or  from  the  side  channel.  The  whole  passage  is  in  good 
evidence  of  the  position  I  have  already  assigned  to  San  Pablo, 
in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  modern  Pilot  Knob,  which  makes 
a  sort  of  puerto  where  the  river  turns  sharp  from  west  to  south. 


GARCES  STARTS  UP  RIVER.         213 

During  this  period  the  Jalchedunes  came  repeat- 
edly to  see  me,  and  urged  me  to  go  to  their  land.  I 
gladly  agreed  to  do  so,  on  condition  that  (con  tal  que) 
they  should  conduct  me  afterward  to  the  Jamajabs. 
To  this  they  objected,  for  fear  that  I  should  be  of 
assistance  to  them  (i.  e.,  to  the  Jamajabs),  and  con- 
cluded that  not  (would  they  do  so);  but  that  they 
would  take  me  all  through  their  land,  and  then  ac- 
company me  (back)  to  the  Yumas.  Seeing  this 
repugnance  I  determined  to  go  first  to  the  Jamajabs 
with  an  Indian  of  that  nation  who  was  here. 

Feb.  14.  Having  taken  leave  of  my  companion  I 
departed  from  the  Puerto  de  la  Concepcion  in  com- 
pany with  two  interpreters,  Sevastian  and  a  Jamajab, 
and  went  2\  leagues  northwest. 

Feb.  15.  I  went  two  leagues  in  the  same  direc- 
tion.14 

Feb.  16.  I  set  out  to  the  westnorthwest  and  went 
two   leagues,    passing   the    Sierra    de    San    Pablo 15 

M  Having  started  from  Yuma,  Garces  goes  up  the  Colorado 
on  the  California  side,  but  for  these  first  two  days  bears  away 
from  the  river,  which  is  here  flowing  about  southsouthwest,  he 
going  northwest.  His  twelve  miles  for  the  two  days  should 
place  him  opposite  and  west  of  the  Purple  hills,  but  not  yet 
abreast  of  Chimney  Rock. 

"The  Sierra  de  San  Pablo,  it  will  be  remembered,  is  Garces* 
own  name  for  the  range  which  reaches  from  the  vicinity  of 
Chimney  Rock  southward  to  Pilot  Knob.     He  is  now  west  of 


214  INDICATIONS   OF   GOLD. 

through  a  gap,  and  on  the  other  side  found  rain 
water  in  a  canada.  The  old  interpreter  whom  I 
brought  is  versed  in  mines,  and  told  me  that  this 
land  indicated  much  gold,  for  there  was  much  tepustete 
de  color™  In  this  land  there  is  little  grass.  I  called 
this  Aguage  de  San  Marzelo. 

Feb.  if.     I  went  one  league  northwest. 

Feb.  18.  I  went  4  leagues  northwest.  Soon  after 
my  start  this  day  I  sighted  the  Cavesa  del  Gigante  on 

this  range,  but  not  yet  up  to  the  Rock,  of  which  he  does  not 
speak  till  the  18th.  His  mileage  is  excessive,  for  any  direct 
distance  from  Yuma,  but  doubtless  much  less  so  by  the  way  he 
came.  He  finds  water  in  a  box-canon,  and  names  this  aguage 
or  watering  place  in  the  rocks  for  St.  Marcellus. 

18  Tepustete  is  a  word  derived  from  the  Nahuatl  tepustetl  = 
tepustli  metal,  -(-  tetl,  stone,  and  will  not  be  found  in  ordinary 
Spanish  dictionaries.  It  means  a  kind  of  rock  which  was  re- 
garded as  a  sign  of  gold.  Thus  the  author  of  the  Rudo  Ensayo, 
p.  243:  "...  the  idea  that  the  ground  contains  those  qualities 
which  concur  in  the  generation  and  maturation  of  gold.  This 
occurs  particularly  in  those  places  where  the  stones  called 
tepustete  are  found,  which  are  very  heavy  like  stones  of  lead. 
They  are  called  '  gold  guide '  because  if  the  ground  is  dug 
wherever  the  tepustete  is  found  there  is  a  certainty  of  finding 
gold."  Again,  the  Diario  y  Derrotero  of  Escalante,  1776-77,  in 
the  pub.  Doc.  of  1854,  p.  435,  speaks  of  a  rock  "  que  los  mineros 
llaman  Tepustete,  y  que  era  indicio  de  mineral  de  oro."  A 
similar  word,  tepetete,  is  in  modern  mining  use  for  the  rubbish  or 
tailings  left  when  ore  is  cleaned  up,  and  also  for  barren  rock 
through  which  a  vein  of  ore  runs.  This  is  apparently  the 
Nahuatl  tepetlatl,  meaning  limestone. 


CASTLE   DOME — CHIMNEY    ROCK.  215 

the  east.  Also  I  discerned  the  great  Medanal  de 
San  Sevastian  and  its  surroundings,  and  passed  near 
the  Penon  de  la  Campana,  which  from  here  has  a 
diverse  aspect.17 

Feb.  19.  I  went  8  leagues  north  with  some  short 
turns  northnortheast,  and  passed  the  sierra  18  that  is 
north  of  the  great  Medanal  (de  San  Sevastian)  by  a 
very  easy  gap.  The  watering-place  where  I  camped 
consists  of  several  tanks  (tinajas)  that  are  on 
the  surface  of  the  ground  in  a  canada,  with  conven- 
iences for  the  animals  to  drink;  there  is  also  much 


"  The  Cabesa  del  Gigante  or  Giant's  Head  we  have  already 
(p.  162)  found  to  be  Castle  Dome,  the  most  conspicuous  feature 
of  the  range  of  the  same  name  on  the  E.  side  of  the  Colorado. 
As  Garces  sights  it  on  the  E.,  he  evidently  started  to-day  from 
the  vicinity  of  Chimney  Rock,  which  he  says  he  passed  near; 
for  this  is  his  Penon  de  la  Campana,  called  by  Font  Pefiasca 
de  la  Campana  on  Dec.  4,  antea,  note  8,  p.  162;  the  terms  both 
mean  "  great  rock  of  the  bell,"  or  Bell  peak,  the  applicability 
of  which  will  be  evident  to  one  who  knows  the  shape  of  this 
remarkable  landmark:  see,  for  example,  the  fine  view  of  the 
peak  which  forms  the  frontispiece  of  Lt.  Ives'  report,  pub. 
1861.  It  bears  about  15  miles  N.  N.  W.  of  Fort  Yuma  in  air- 
line, and  has  a  different  appearance  at  such  distance  from  that 
which  it  presents  as  Garces  passes  near  it  on  its  west.  The 
Medanal  de  San  Sebastian,  of  which  he  speaks,  is  the  great 
sandy  plain  or  desert  to  his  left. 

18  This  sierra  is  simply  the  extension  of  the  great  San  Ber- 
nardino range  to  the  Colorado,  where  it  takes  the  name  of 
Chocolate  hills  on  both  sides  of  the  river. 


2l6  A    PARTY    OF    MOJAVE    INDIANS. 

grass.  I  called  this  place  (Aguage  de)  San  Joseph.19 
From  here  it  is  one  day's  journey  to  the  river,  travel- 
ing to  the  east,  and  another  of  the  same  length  to  the 
Jequiches,  on  which  they  tell  me  there  are  many 
lagunas  of  water  which,  though  somewhat  saline,  is 
not  undrinkable(?zo  impide  el  beberse);hom  all  of  which 
it  is  inferred  that  this  road  is  more  suitable  than  that 
which  the  expedition  has  taken.20 

Feb.  20.  I  tarried  and  took  an  observation  in  this 
Parage  de  San  Joseph,  finding  it  to  be  in  330  28'. 
There  is  a  sierra  in  this  aguage  that  runs  from  west 
to  east  and  unites  with  that  of  California. 

Feb.  21.  I  went  a  league  and  a  half  northnorth- 
west  and  two  (leagues)  eastnortheast;  passed  the 
sierra,  and  arrived  at  a  valley  21  where  I  met  a  party 
(una  patrulla)  of  Jamajab  Indians  who  would  be  about 
80;  they  were  going  down  to  the  Yumas,  moved  by 
the  reports  that  they  had  heard.  These  I  comforted 
and  regaled,  for  they  were  going  very  hungry;  and 
having  spoken  of  the  peace  made  between  the  Yumas 

16  San  Joseph  of  the  text  appears  elsewhere  in  the  more  usual 
form  of  San  Jose.  The  location  is  not  easy  to  find,  and  I  know 
of  no  modern  equivalent  of  the  name. 

20  The  direct  route  thus  indicated  is  that  now  taken  by  the 
railroad;  the  expedition  went  roundabout,  much  further  south. 

11  Still  south  of  the  Halfway  mts.,  and  at  a  considerable  dis- 
tance from  the  river;  but  we  lack  data  for  greater  precision,  and 
have  no  modern  names  of  places  along  here. 


HALFWAY   AND   RIVERSIDE    MOUNTAINS.         217 

and  Jalchedunes,  they  told  me  that  they  were  taking 
with  them  two  captive  Jalchedun  women.  These  I 
begged  them  for  with  great  insistency;  and  many 
objections  being  overcome,  I  succeeded  in  that  they 
gave  them  to  me  for  a  poor  horse  and  some  other 
small  presents.  They  proceeded  on  their  route, 
the  greater  part  of  them,  there  remaining  the  captain 
and  some  others  here  with  me,  where  we  passed  the 
night;  and  the  animals  went  to  drink  at  San  Joseph. 

Feb.  22.  I  went  four  leagues  northnorthwest  and 
two  eastnortheast,  in  a  roundabout  way  (rodeando), 
because  they  told  me  that  the  packmules  could  not 
proceed  on  a  direct  course  (por  derecho). 

Feb.  23.  I  went  two  leagues  eastnortheast  and 
four  north.  After  surmounting  a  sierra  that  comes 
from  the  west,  which  I  called  Santa  Margarita,22  I 
found  myself  on  the  border  of  the  Rio  Colorado.  I 
passed  a  valley  and  arrived  at  an  aguage  that  is  in 
a  caiiada  of  another  sierra 23  which  comes  likewise 
from  the  west.  This  route  is  not  necessary;  for  I 
came  thus  roundabout  on  account  of  the  Jamajabs 
being  at  war  with  the  Jalchedunes. 

Feb.  24.  I  observed  this  position  and  found  it  in 
330  25'.     In  the  afternoon  I  went  a  league  and  a  half 

"  This  sierra  de  Santa  Margarita  is  apparently  the  range  now 
known  as  the  Halfway  mts. 
iS  This  other  sierra  is  the  Riverside  mts. 


2l8  JENEQUICHES    NOTED. 

west,  winding  about  because  the  passage  of  the  sierra 
is  bad.2* 

Feb.  25.  I  passed  over  the  sierra  by  a  good  gap 
on  a  northwest  course  and  by  the  westnorthwest  ar- 
rived at  the  Tinajas  del  Tesquier,25  having  gone  three 
leagues.  Said  tinajas  hold  plenty  of  water,  and  are 
very  commodious  for  the  animals  to  drink.  This 
aguage  is  one  day's  journey  from  the  river,  and  ad- 
mits of  passage  {proporciona  el  camino)  from  the  Jal- 
chednnes  to  the  Jenequiches,26  who  are  those  of  the 

14  He  went  westward  of  his  way  to  find  the  good  gap  in  the 
mountain  crossed  next  day. 

"  Tesquier,  plainly,  in  my  copy.  Beaumont  MS.,  foja  17 
vuelta,  has  Tesquien,  and  pub.  Doc,  p.  270,  prints  Tezquien. 

M  Of  the  Jenequiches  we  know  no  more  than  Garces  says. 
His  location  of  them  on  the  Rio  Santa  Anna  agrees  with  Font's 
map,  on  which  the  "  Jenicueich  "  appear  among  the  mountains 
of  California,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  "  Jecuich  "  (the  Jequiches  or 
Danzarines  of  Garces).  The  name  has  appeared  as  Teneque- 
ches  by  mistaking  manuscript  J  for  T.  Thus  Jose  Cortes,  who 
seems  to  have  cribbed  most  of  his  matter  from  Garces,  and 
bungled  it  in  the  process,  says  in  Whipple's  Report,  iii,  pt.  3, 
p.  125,  that  the  Teniqueches  "  adjoin  the  Talchedums  and  the 
mission  of  Santa  Ana,"  by  which  he  means  San  Gabriel.  This 
throws  light  on  who  these  and  the  Tecuiche  or  Jecuiche  actually 
were.  Eliminating  the  first  syllable  we  have  the  Spanish 
form  of  Kizh  (sig.  "  houses "),  a  division  of  the  Kavouya 
(Cahuilla,  Coahuila,  etc.)  of  Shoshonean  stock  (according  to 
Gatschet)  and  the  name  of  the  natives  of  San  Gabriel  (accord- 
ing to  Hale).  It  is  practically  impossible  to  fix  the  bounds  of 
any  of  these  tribes,  as  they  seem  to  have  roamed  at  will. — 
F.  W.  H. 


AMONG    THE    CHEMEBETS.  2IO. 

Rio  de  Santa  Anna.27  In  the  evening  I  went  three 
leagues  through  quite  a  difficult  sandy  place  (par  un 
medano  bastantc  perwsd). 

Feb.  26.  I  determined  to  send  to  their  home  the 
little  Jalchedunes  (Inditas  Jalchcduncs)  whom  I  had 
rescued  from  captivity,  which  I  did,  with  the  old 
interpreter,  and  with  many  assurances  of  my  friend- 
ship, such  as  that  he  should  say  to  them  on  my  part 
that  already  were  they  friends,  and  that  they  had 
ceased  to  war  with  the  Jamajabs;  and  that  he  should 
await  me  there.  The  Jamajab  captain  who  was  go- 
ing with  me  made  a  great  harangue  to  the  Indian 
women  (Indias)  and  to  the  interpreter,  in  order  that 
they  should  repeat  it  there,  breaking  a  bow  and 
throwing  away  the  arrows  in  his  presence,  as  a  sign 
of  veritable  peace. 

This  day  I  went  eight  leagues  northnortheast  and 
north.  I  passed  through  the  gap  of  a  sierra  that  runs 
northwest,  and  at  its  base  made  a  halt  at  some  small 
springs  of  water  that  I  called  (Ojitos)  del  Santo 
Angel,  where  I  met  some  40  persons  of  the  Cheme- 
bet 28  nation.     Six  Indians  of  this  nation  that  were 

17  Present  name  of  the  river  in  the  San  Bernardino  valley  of 
California:  see  beyond,  date  of  Mar.  22. 

28  The  Chemebet  and  Chemeguagua  of  Garces  (beyond)  are 
synonymous,  being  the  Chemehuevi.  These  were  the  most 
southerly  of  the  Paiute  tribes,  of  Shoshonean  stock,  formerly 
occupying  two  distinct  areas.     The  first  was  in  Nev.  and  Colo., 


220  THEY    ARE    THE    CHEMEHUEVIS. 

on  a  hill  came  down  as  soon  as  we  called  them,  with 
the  speed  of  deer,  and  regaled  me  with  very  good 
mezcal.  The  garb  of  these  Indians  is,  Apache  mocas- 
sins (zapato),  shirt  of  antelope  skin  (vestido  de  ga- 
muza),  white  headdress  like  a  cap  {gorra  blanca  a  nwdo 
de  solideo)  with  a  bunch  of  those  very  curious  feathers 
which  certain  birds  of  this  country  have  in  their  crest. 
These  Indians  give  me  the  impression  of  being  the 
most  swift-footed  of  any  I  have  seen.  This  nation 
inhabits    the    territory    that    there    is    between    the 

west  of  the  great  bend  of  the  Colorado,  as  far  as  Providence 
mts.;  there  were  probably  several  hundred  of  these.  Another, 
formerly  (1853)  in  five  bands  (the  names  of  which  are  not 
known)  occupied  the  E.  bank  of  the  Colorado  between  Bill 
Williams  fork  and  the  Needles,  being  thus,  in  later  times  at 
least,  between  the  Cuchan  and  the  Mohave,  both  Yuman  tribes, 
with  whom  the  Chemehuevi  were  on  friendly  terms.  Their 
chief  seat  was  the  beautiful  Chemehuevi  valley,  extending  8  or 
10  miles — in  width  for  5  miles — along  the  river.  They  are 
agriculturists  and  are  physically  inferior  to  their  Yuman  neigh- 
bors. There  are  about  300  on  the  Colo.  Riv.  reservation,  and 
probably  a  few  at  Moapa  agency;  others  probably  roam  with 
their  kindred,  the  Paiute.  Other  forms:  Chemahuava,  Chema- 
wawa,  Chemchuevis,  Chemegerabas,  Chemehueris,  Chemehue- 
vitz,  Chemeonahas,  Chemiguabos,  Chemiheavis,  Chemihuahua, 
Chemihuevis,  Cheminares,  Chimawava,  Chimchinves,  Chimeh- 
whuebes,  Chimhuevas,  Chimohueois,  Chimwoyos,  Genigneihs, 
Itchi-mehueros  (Mohave  and  Walapai  name),  Kemahwivi, 
Simojueves.  Their  own  name  is  Tantawats,  which  signifies 
"  southern  men  "  (Powell),  evidently  in  reference  to  their  hab- 
itat, which  is  south  of  that  of  the  other  Paiute  tribes. — F.  W.  H. 


WHAT    ARE   CORITAS?  221 

Beneme,  a  tract  of  land  very  scant  of  water,  follow- 
ing thence  the  border  of  the  Rio  Colorado  on  the 
northern  side  as  far  as  (hasta  lie  gar  a)  the  Yuta 
nation,  of  whom  they  give  much  information;  and 
they  are  friends  of  these,  as  enemies  of  the  Coman- 
ches  and  Moquis.  The  Chemebets  say  that  their 
nation  extends  to  another  river,  north  of  the  Colo- 
rado, and  that  there  they  sow.  They  also  keep 
friendship  with  the  Apaches  Tejua;  they  have  a  lan- 
guage distinct  from  all  the  nations  of  the  river;  they 
are  intimate  friends  of  the  Jamajabs,  and  when  these 
break  their  weapons,  so  do  they  also.  They  make 
some  baskets  (coritas)  29  very  similar  to  those  of  the 

29  Corita  is  the  name  now  used  in  Mexico  for  a  sort  of  pannier 
borne  by  pack-mules;  it  is  not  a  Spanish  dictionary  word,  and 
Garces'  meaning  of  "  basket  "  is  not  evident  at  first  sight.  But 
a  passage  in  Ortega,  Apost.  Afanes,  1754,  p.  298,  clears  up  this 
matter:  "  Los  [Indios]  que  estavan  a  la  [orilla]  del  Poniente 
[del  Rio  Colorado]  passaron  los  mas  a  nado  a  la  contraria. 
para  saludar  al  Padre  [Kino],  y  en  unas  bateas,  qui  son  proprias 
de  la  Pimeria  Alta,  texidas  de  ciertas  particulares  yervas  visto- 
mente  entreveradas,  que  llegan  a  recibir  el  agua,  sin  que  pueda 
penetrar  dentro,  traxeron  sus  comidas,  y  sustento.  Mas  en  este 
parage  las  bateas  llamadas  coritas,  que  en  la  Pimeria  son  por 
lo  comun  mas  pequenas,  eran  tan  crecidas,  que  cargavan  mas 
de  una  fanega  de  maiz,  y  los  Indios  por  el  rio,  rempujandolas 
a  manera  de  barquitas  andantes,  las  trasportavan  a  la  otra 
banda  " — that  is  to  say,  in  fine,  most  of  the  Indians  who  were 
across  the  river  swam  over  to  salute  Father  Kino,  bringing  their 
victuals    in    vessels    (bateas)    proper    to    Pimeria    Alta,    woven 


222  CANAL  DE  SANTA  BARBARA  NOTED. 

Canal.30  Through  the  different  lands  that  they  in- 
water-tight  of  certain  plants  and  handsomely  ornamented.  But 
these  vessels,  called  coritas,  were  so  much  larger  than  those 
commonly  used  in  Pimeria,  that  they  held  more  than  a  bushel 
of  corn,  and  were  shoved  over  the  water  like  little  boats. 
Thus  these  coritas  were  evidently  the  large  shallow  baskets,  like 
circular  platters  or  trays,  so  well  known  throughout  the  south- 
west. See  also  Garces  beyond,  p.  282,  where  he  is  taken  across 
a  river  and  his  effects  are  carried  over  in  coritas. 

I  find  a  much  earlier  and  different  use  of  the  word  corita  in 
Doc.  para  Hist.  Mex.,  4th  ser.,  i,  p.  327,  where  J.  M.  Mange 
wrote  of  Mar.  12,  1701 :  "  Dimos  a  mano  con  coritas  6  gicaras 
[for  jicaras]  agua  a  las  mulas  de  carga  que  ya  peridian  de  sed," 
i.  e.,  gave  the  pack-mules,  which  were  perishing  of  thirst,  water 
by  hand  by  means  of  coritas,  here  used  in  a  sense  which  the 
synonym  gicaras  shows.  These  vessels  were  probably  small 
jugs  of  basketware,  made  water-tight  with  gum  or  pitch,  and 
with  them  water  was  dipped  up  or  ladled  out  of  a  scanty 
source.  The  word  jicara  is  not  very  common,  but  has  become 
very  well  known  in  its  diminutive  form  as  the  designation  of 
the  Indians  called  Jicarilla  Apaches,  often  pronounced  "  Hick- 
ory "  Apaches,  who  are  now  on  their  reservation  in  northern 
New  Mexico  and  southern  Colorado. 

w  The  Canal,  as  Garces  calls  it,  with  a  capital  and  without 
qualifying  term,  is  the  Canal  de  Santa  Barbara,  or  Santa  Bar- 
bara channel,  between  the  coast  of  California  and  the  collection 
of  islands  in  the  offing.  Font's  map  of  1776,  for  example,  letters 
Canal  de  Sa.  Barbara  below  Punta  de  la  Concepcion,  with  one 
large  island  lettered  I.  de  Sa.  Cruz,  and  four  smaller  ones 
unnamed.  In  modern  nomenclature  the  five  largest  islands  of 
the  group  are  Santa  Cruz,  Santa  Rosa,  Santa  Catalina,  San 
Nicolas,  and  San  Clemente;  besides  which  are  several  smaller 
ones,  including  that  called  Santa  Barbara,  60  miles  S.  W.  of 
Los  Angeles.     All  are  collectively  known  as  the  Santa  Barbara 


THE    SUBJECT    CONTINUED.  22$ 

habit  they  take  different  names,  as  are  Cajuala  Se- 

islands;  they  are  eight  in  number  without  counting  Begg's  rock 
as  a  ninth.  The  history  of  the  channel  and  its  islands  goes  back 
to  1542,  in  the  fall  of  which  year  Juan  Rodriguez  Cabrillo  sailed 
northward  along  the  coast,  and  named  many  places,  but  not 
the  channel  itself.  He  died  on  this  navigation  Jan.  3,  1543,  at 
a  place  he  called  La  Posesion,  on  present  San  Miguel  island, 
the  northwest  one  of  the  group,  lat.  340.  His  names  need  not 
detain  us,  as  they  never  acquired  vogue  and  had  mostly  been 
forgotten  or  were  ignored  when  the  expedition  of  Sebastian 
Vizcaino  came  along  in  1603.  He  was  in  San  Diego  de  la 
Alcala  bay  in  November,  so  naming  it  for  the  saint  whose  day 
is  Nov.  14.  Before  the  end  of  the  month  he  named  San  Pedro 
bay  for  St.  Peter,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  whose  day  is  Nov.  26, 
and  also  the  islands  still  known  as  Santa  Catalina  and  San 
Clemente.  Next  was  named  the  Canal  de  Santa  Barbara,  which 
saintess'  day  is  Dec.  4,  and  also  the  Isla  de  Santa  Barbara  and 
Isla  de  San  Nicolas,  both  of  which  names  persist.  The  four 
islands  of  the  more  northern  group  appear  on  Vizcaino's  map 
by  other  names  than  they  now  bear.  Passing  and  naming 
Punta  de  la  Concepcion,  now  Point  Conception,  the  voyage 
was  continued  past  Rio  de  Carmelo,  so  called  from  Carmelite 
friars  who  accompanied  it,  round  Punta  de  los  Pinos,  still 
known  as  Point  Pinos,  and  on  Dec.  16  into  the  Bay  of  Mon- 
terey, so  named  for  the  ninth  viceroy  of  Mexico,  Gaspar  de 
Zuhiga  y  Acebedo,  Conde  de  Monterey.  Even  this  glance  shows 
how  much  of  the  present  nomenclature  of  the  California  coast  is 
derived  from  Vizcaino  of  1603,  how  little  from  Cabrillo  of  1542. 
But  we  have  still  to  account  for  Santa  Barbara  mission  and  the 
saint  herself.  A  project  for  occupying  the  channel  was  formed 
by  Neve  in  June,  1779,  and  some  new  regulations  for  California 
took  effect  in  1781,  providing  for  the  founding  of  a  new  presidio 
and  mission  of  Santa  Barbara,  with  two  others  on  the  channel 
to  be  called  San   Buenaventura  and  La   Purisima  Concepcion. 


224  OTHER   INDIANS    NOTED. 

vinta,  Cajuala  Chemebet,  or  Chemeguagua.31  They 
conducted  themselves  with  me  most  beautifully;  by 

San  Buenaventura  was  soon  established,  Mar.  31,  1782,  but  Santa 
Barbara  not  till  Dec.  4,  1786,  and  Purisima  not  till  Dec.  8,  1787. 
Dec.  4  is  the  day  of  Santa  Barbara  Virgen  y  Martir,  as  already- 
said,  and  on  that  day  of  1786  the  ceremonies  were  begun  which 
founded  the  mission  in  the  course  of  the  month.  She  is  a 
legendary  character,  never  satisfactorily  identified,  and  some 
very  wild  stories  attach  to  her  name.  She  is  the  patroness  of 
Spanish  artillerists  and  sailors  in  the  Spanish  navy,  and  her 
name  is  the  synonym  of  a  powder-magazine.  The  present  town 
of  Santa  Barbara  is  the  capital  of  Santa  Barbara  co.,  Cal. 

31  Cajuala  Se vinta,  Cajuala  Chemebet,  etc.  As  Garces  states, 
these  were  evidently  names  applied  to  various  small  Shoshonean 
tribes.  The  Sevinta  or  "  Cajuala  Sevinta  "  were  apparently  the 
Shivwits,  who  occupied  the  plateau  of  the  same  name,  bounded 
by  the  Grand  Wash  cliffs,  in  extreme  northwestern  Arizona, 
although  they  extended  into  the  surrounding  region.  Some 
of  the  Shivwits  were  seen  as  far  south  as  Peach  spring  in  1871. 
They  were  a  division  of  the  Paiute,  and  are  not  popularly  dis- 
tinguished from  the  rest  of  that  Shoshonean  tribe.  Beadle 
called  them  "  Lee-Biclies ;  "  Cortes  corrupted  Garces*  form  of  the 
name  into  Chemeque-sabinta;  Orozco  y  Berra,  Chemegue  sebita 
and  Chemegue  sevicta.  Other  forms:  Seviches,  Sheav-wits,  Sher- 
wits.  Major  J.  W.  Powell,  1873-74,  was  the  first  to  call  attention 
to  the  tribe  under  its  proper  name,  and  probably  the  first  white 
man  to  see  them  after  Garces'  time.     They  then  numbered  182. 

I  do  not  know  the  signification  of  "  Cahuala  "  in  connection 
with  the  tribal  names.  There  is  a  Shoshonean  tribe  known  as 
Kauvuya,  formerly  in  Cabezon,  San  Jacinto,  and  Coahuila  val- 
leys, E.,  S.  W.,  and  S.  E.  of  San  Bernardino,  Cal.,  and  thence 
extending  in  straggling  bands  to  the  river  Colorado.  In  1873 
they  numbered  1,937  in  *3  rancherias.  They  were  later  placed 
on  the   Mission  reservation,   where  they  are  still  officially   re- 


ARRIVAL   AT    MO  J  AVE.  J_5 

no  means  were  they  thievish  or  troublesome,  but 
rather  quite  considerate.  They  all  carried  a  crook  32 
besides  their  weapons. 

Feb.  2/.  I  observed  the  position  of  Santo  Angel, 
and  found  it  in  340  31'.  Thereafter  I  went  six 
leagues  northwest  and  northeast,  though  for  the  most 
part  northeast.  I  halted  where  there  was  grass,  but 
no  water. 

Feb.  28.     I  went  seven  leagues  northnortheast  and 

garded  as  "  Coahuilas."  Other  forms:  Caguilla,  Caqulla,  Cah- 
nillo,  Cahual-chitz,  Cah-wee-os,  Cah-willa,  Carvilla,  Cavio, 
Caweo,  Cohuilla,  Cowela,  Cowilla,  Kahweaks,  Kah-\ve-as,  Kah- 
weyahs,  Kavayos,  Koahualla. 

Jose  Cortes  (in  Whipple's  Report,  p.  125-126)  has:  "  North- 
ward of  the  river  Colorado  live  other  bands,  which  may  be 
considered  as  one  numerous  nation;  they  are  the  Chemeque- 
caprala,  Cehmeque-sabinta,  Chemequaba,  Chemeque,  and  Pay- 
uches  [Paiute];  all  speaking  the  same  language,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  last."  All  of  these,  except  the  "  Payuches," 
would  seem  to  be  divisions  of  the  Chemehuevi,  and  probably 
the  Shivwits  or  "  Sabinta  "  were  an  offshoot  of  the  same.  Both 
the  Shivwits  and  Chemehuevi  are  now  regarded  as  Paiute  divi- 
sions— this  is  based  on  linguistic  classification  by  Powell.  Cor- 
tes' "  Caprala  "  seems  to  be  the  same  as  Garces'  "  Cajuala."  I 
can  identify  them  with  no  other  than  the  Kauvuya  or  "  Coa- 
huila,"  who,  as  previously  mentioned,  extended  to  the  Rio 
Colorado.  On  a  Yuma  map  of  the  river  in  Whipple,  iii,  pt.  3, 
p.  16,  the  "  Ca-hnal-chitz "  are  located  above  Bill  Williams' 
fork  (Hah-weal-ha-mook)  and  the  Mohaves. — F.  W.  H. 

"  Alcayata,  hook,  crook.  He  means  the  hooked  stick  which 
these  and  many  other  Indians  habitually  carried  for  the  pur- 


226  AMONG   THE    MOJAVES. 

arrived  at  the  Jamajab  33  nation,  having  passed  over 

pose  of  pulling  rats,  gophers,  and  other  small  game  out  of 
their  holes.  This  instrument  was  about  the  size  of  an  ordinary 
walking-stick. 

"  The  Jamajab  =  Mohave  were  the  most  populous  tribe  of  the 
Yuman  family,  and  formerly  the  most  warlike.  In  historic 
times  they  occupied  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Colorado,  but  mainly 
the  eastern  bank,  between  the  Needles  and  the  entrance  to  Black 
canon,  especially  the  vicinity  of  Camp  Mohave.  Their  name 
is  derived  from  hamok,  "  three  ";  habi  hemi,  "  big  rock  or  moun- 
tain," and  points  to  one  of  their  oldest  habitats  around  the 
Needles  on  the  E.  side  of  the  Colorado.  They  numbered  1371 
in  1890,  on  the  Colorado  River,  Mohave,  and  Yuma  reservations. 
Other  forms:  Amacava,  Amaguagua,  Amahuayas,  Amajabas. 
Amajavas,  Amochave,  Amojaves,  Amoxawi,  Amuchabas,  Ha- 
mockhaves,  Hamoekhave,  Hamokiavi,  Hamukahava,  Jamajas, 
Jamalas,  Machaves,  Macjave,  Mahaos,  Majabos,  Majave,  Mo- 
hahve,  Mohave  (1841:  present  form),  Mohavi,  Mohawa,  Mo- 
hawe,  Mohaoes,  Mojaris,  Mojaur,  Mojave,  Molxaves,  Moyave, 
Soyopa,  Tamajabs  (misprint;  after  Garces'  Jamajabs),  Tamasa- 
bes,  Wah-muk-a-hah'-ve,  Yamagas,  Yamajab. — F.  W.  H. 

It  is  probable  that  the  Mojaves  have  been  known  to  the 
whites,  or  known  of,  since  1540,  when  Alarcon  went  up  the 
Colorado  by  boat,  mostly  cordelled  by  Indians,  for  15  days. 
How  far  he  went  is  uncertain;  but  it  took  only  2l/2  days  to  de- 
scend with  the  current.  Again  he  started,  Sept.  14,  1540,  in 
three  boats  loaded  with  provisions  and  merchandise,  and  went, 
it  is  said,  85  leagues,  or  some  225  miles.  Probably  he  saw  all 
the  tribes  on  the  river  excepting  the  Havasupais;  I  am  inclined 
to  allow  him  up  to  the  Needles,  and  thus  to  the  Mojaves.  In 
1604-05,  Juan  de  Ofiate  may  have  come  into  some  relation, 
direct  or  indirect,  with  the  Mojaves.  After  that  we  only  hear 
vaguely  of  them  till  these  full  accounts  by  Garces  of  1776.  But 
even  these  seem  to  have  made  little  impression;  and  how  little 


AMONG   THE    MOJAVES.  227 

a  sierra  34  that  runs  to  the  northwest  and  ends  on  the 
Rio  Colorado.     Having  continued  further,  the  ran- 

was  really  known  of  them  till  into  the  '50's,  when  Whipple,  Sit- 
greaves,  E.  F.  Beale,  and  especially  Ives  told  us  so  much,  may 
be  judged  from  the  following  extract  from  Bartlett's  Narr., 
1854,  ii,  p.  178: 

"  At  Fort  Yuma  [in  June,  1852]  we  heard  of  a  tribe  called  the 
Mohavi,  who  occupy  the  country  watered  by  a  river  of  the 
same  name,  which  empties  into  the  Colorado  about  150  miles 
above  the  fort.  They  are  said  to  be  a  fine  athletic  people,  ex- 
ceedingly warlike,  and  superior  to  the  other  tribes  on  the  river." 
Needless  to  add,  the  Mojaves  never  lived  on  the  Mojave  river, 
which  does  not  flow  into  the  Colorado. 

34  This  sierra  is  of  course  the  Mojave  range,  which  separates 
the  Chemehuevi  valley  from  that  of  the  Mojaves.  Garces 
has  no  name  for  it  here;  but  on  his  return  down  the  Arizona 
side  of  the  river,  he  names  it  Sierra  de  San  Ildefonso,  Aug.  1 ; 
see  the  date,  p.  419.  From  the  N.  W.  this  range  comes  S.  E. 
to  the  Colorado,  and  continues  on  the  other  side  of  the  river, 
which  thus  cuts  through  it  to  the  extent  of  the  Mojave  canon. 
This  runs  N.  and  S.  between  lats.  34°  30'  and  340  45';  whence 
it  appears  that  Garces'  observation  of  340  31'  on  the  27th  is 
too  low.  Some  of  the  elevations  of  the  range  immedi- 
ately upon  the  river,  where  the  canon  is  most  boxed,  take 
the  forms  of  spires;  these  are  called  the  Needles,  having  been 
known  as  such  since  the  time  of  Ives,  1857-58,  on  whose 
map  they  are  delineated  and  so  lettered.  His  report  also 
gives  figures  15  and  16  of  the  outlet  and  inlet  of  Mojave 
canon,  together  with  a  panoramic  view  (No.  2,  opp.  p.  64) 
of  the  whole  Mojave  valley  up  to  Pyramid  canon.  The  rail- 
road now  crosses  the  river  near  the  Needles,  and  Needles 
is  the  name  of  the  last  station  on  the  California  side.  In 
Garces'  time,  as  in  Ives'  and  ours,  the  villages  or  rancherias 


228  AMONG   THE   MOJAVES. 

cherias  of  the  Jamajab  I  saw  were  on  the  opposite 
bank  of  the  river;  these  I  called  (Rancherias)  de  la 
Pasion,  without  crossing  to  the  other  side.  Here 
came  soon  all  the  Jamajabs,  because  the  captain  who 
was  accompanying  me  hastened  on  to  inform  them  of 
my  arrival.  Those  who  came  to  see  me  that  day 
remained  to  sleep  in  this  place,  so  that  I  could  speak 
to  them  to  my  satisfaction  on  all  subjects.  To  all 
that  I  set  forth  to  them  they  replied  that  it  was  good; 
and  added  that  license  was  given  me  to  remain  here 
to  baptize  them,  because  they  knew  that  thus  would 
result  all  sorts  of  good  things.  I  can  say  with  entire 
truth  that  these  Indians  have  great  advantages  over 
the  Yumas  and  the  rest  of  the  nations  of  the  Rio 
Colorado;   they   are    less    molestful,    and    none    are 

of  the  Mojaves  extended  along  the  river  all  through  the  valley, 
to  the  next  (Pyramid)  canon,  above  the  site  of  the  military 
camp  or  Fort  Mojave,  now  an  Indian  school  reservation  with 
the  name  Mojave  City  on  some  maps.  This  is  a  little  N.  of  350, 
about  14  miles  N.  of  Needles  station,  and  twice  as  far  above 
the  Needles  themselves.  Whipple's  crossing  of  Feb.  27,  1854, 
was  in  close  vicinity  of  the  present  railroad  station;  Beale's 
crossing  of  1857  was  a  little  above  Fort  Mojave,  at  or  very  near 
present  Hardyville,  or  Hardy.  I  was  three  times  at  Fort  Mo- 
jave in  1865,  and  post  surgeon  there  in  March,  1881;  in  the 
former  year,  when  I  navigated  the  Colorado  from  Mojave  to 
Yuma  and  back,  the  master  of  the  sternwheeler  Cocopa,  Cap- 
tain Robinson,  was  the  same  who  had  piloted  the  Explorer  on 
Ives'  expedition. 


AMONG    THE    MOJAVES.  22<) 

thieves;  they  seem  valiant,  and  nowhere  have  I  been 
better  served.  I  showed  them  the  picture  of  the  Vir- 
gin; it  pleased  them  much,  but  they  did  not  like  to 
look  at  that  of  the  lost  soul.  As  I  am  the  first  Es- 
panol 30  who  has  been  in  their  land  they  celebrated  it 
beyond  bounds  (sobre  manera)  by  their  great  desire 
to  become  acquainted  with  them  (Espanoles);  and 
considering  them  to  be  very  valiant,  they  manifested 
extraordinary  joy  at  being  now  friends  of  a  people  so 
valorous. 

Feb.  29.  I  tarried  here,  because  there  came  suc- 
cessively many  persons,  and  among  them  three  cap- 
tains, of  whom  one  said  that  he  was  the  head  chief  (el 
principal)  of  the  nation,  against  whose  will  was 
naught  determined;  that  he  had  come  in  order  that 
I  should  tell  him  that  which  there  was  for  him  to  do; 
that  I  should  know  him  for  what  he  was  when  I 
should  see  him  do  out  of  the  goodness  of  his  heart  all 
that  which  I  might  propose;  and  finally  he  said  that 

85 1  see  no  reason  to  doubt  Garces'  claim  that  he  was  the  first 
Spaniard  who  was  ever  among  the  Mojaves — actually  "  in  their 
land  "  and  on  terms  with  them.  At  the  same  time  we  must  not 
forget  the  original  ascent  of  the  river  by  Alarcon  in  1540.  The 
point  he  reached  will  ever  remain  uncertain,  but  he  may  easily 
have  come  to  the  Needles,  and  thus  to  the  verge  of  the  Mojave 
country.  Also,  there  is  the  question  of  Ofiate  of  1604-05;  for 
he  may  then  have  had  some  communication  with  these  Indians, 
direct  or  indirect,  though  he  was  never  actually  among  them. 


23O  AMONG    THE    MOJAVES. 

he  would  be  baptized  and  married  to  a  woman,  add- 
ing other  good  things  of  like  tenor.  This  is  the  cap- 
tain general  of  them  all  (que  ay),  and  he  lives  in  the 
center  of  this  nation.  The  female  sex  (el  mugerio) 
is  the  most  comely  on  the  river;  the  male  (la  gente) 
very  healthy  and  robust.36  The  women  wear  petti- 
coats of  the  style  and  cut  that  the  Yumas  (wear). 
The  men  go  entirely  naked,  and  in  a  country  so  cold 
this  is  well  worthy  of  compassion.  These  say  that 
they  are  very  strong;  and  so  I  found  them  to  be,  es- 
pecially in  enduring  hunger  and  thirst.  It  is  evident 
that  this  nation  goes  on  increasing,  for  I  saw  many 
lusty  young  fellows  (gandules),  and  many  more  boys; 
the  contrary  is  experienced  in  the  other  nations  of 
the  river.  There  came  together  to  visit  me  about  20 
hundred  souls.  Abound  here  certain  blankets  that 
they  possess  and  weave  of  furs  of  rabbits  and  otters  ST 

s"  Perhaps  there  could  be  no  more  striking  instance  of  the 
absurdity  of  grammatical  gender  than  is  shown  in  this  sentence, 
where  women  collectively  are  el  mugerio,  masculine,  and  men 
collectively  are  la  gente,  feminine! 

"  Nutrias  is  the  word  used,  properly  meaning  otters,  but 
Garces  may  have  meant  beavers.  In  proof  of  this  use  of 
nutrias  for  beavers  I  can  cite  a  passage  in  Escalante's  Diario, 
Doc.  para  Hist.  Mex.,  2d  ser.,  i,  1854,  p.  426:  "  Aqui  tienen  las 
nutrias  hechos  con  palizades  tales  tanques,  que  representan  a 
primera  vista  un  rio  mas  que  mediano — here  have  the  beavers 
made  with  sticks  such  ponds  that  they  look  at  first  sight  like 
a  river  larger  than  usual  ";  the  reference  being  of  course  to  the 


AMONG   THE    MOJAVES.  23  I 

brought  from  the  west  and  northwest,  with  the  people 
of  which  parts  they  keep  firm  friendship.  They  have 
been  also  intimate  friends  of  the  Yumas.  Their  lan- 
guage is  different;  but  through  constant  communica- 
tion they  understand  well  enough  the  Yuma.  They 
talk  rapidly  and  with  great  haughtiness  (arrogancia). 
I  have  not  heard  any  Indian  who  talked  more,  or  with 
less  embarrassment,  than  their  captain  general.  The 
enemies  that  they  have  are,  on  the  northeast  the  Yabi- 
pais  Cuercomaches; 38  on  the  east  the  Jaguallapais;  3* 

damming  of  the  stream  by  these  animals.  Mr.  Hodge  observes 
that  the  above-mentioned  rabbit-skin  robes  are  those  so  well 
known  to  be  manufactured  principally  by  the  Paiutes,  who  are 
the  people  referred  to  by  Garces  as  living  on  the  west  and 
northwest. 

38  A  division  or  mere  rancheria  of  Yavapais,  on  one  of  the 
heads  of  Diamond  creek  near  the  Grand  canon,  unknown  by 
name  save  for  mention  by  Garces.  Compare  date  of  July  17, 
beyond. 

39  The  Jaguallapais  of  Garces  are  the  Walapai  or  Hualapai,  a 
Yuman  tribe  whose  habitat  in  early  historic  times  was  the 
middle  Rio  Colorado,  above  the  Mohave  tribe,  from  the  great 
bend  eastward.  They  extended  from  the  southern  bank  of  the 
river  well  into  the  interior,  occupying  Hualapai,  Yavapai,  and 
Sacramento  valleys,  and  the  territory  of  the  Cerbat,  Hualapai. 
and  Aquarius  mts.  Present  Bill  Williams'  fork  and  its  brancli. 
Rio  Santa  Maria,  formed  their  southern  extremity.  Their  name 
is  derived  from  huala,  "  pine  tree,"  "  pinery,"  "  pine  forest,"  and 
pax,  "all  men,"  "people"  — i.  e.,  "pinery  Indians."  The  Co- 
honino  or  Havasupai  are  an  offshoot  frum  the  Walapai,  and  still 
speak  a  dialect  more  nearly  like  the  Walapai  than  any  other  of 


232  AMONG    THE    MOJAVES. 

and  on  the  south  the  Jalchedunes.  During  the  ha- 
rangues that  they  make  they  give  smart  slaps  with 
the  palms  on  the  thighs.40  Manifesting  to  these 
people  the  desires  that  I  had  to  go  to  see  the  padres 
that  were  living  near  the  sea,41  they  agreed  and  offered 

the  Yuman  languages.  They  are  now  confined  to  a  reservation 
bordering  the  great  bend  of  the  Colorado  in  N.  W.  Arizona, 
where  they  number  631.  They  seem  to  be  gradually  diminish- 
ing in  numbers.  Other  forms  of  the  name  are:  Hah-wal-coes, 
Haulapais,  Ha-wol-la  Pai,  Ho-allo-pi,  Huaepais,  Hualapais, 
Hualipais,  Hualopais,  Hualpaich,  Hualpais,  Hualpas,  Hualpias, 
Huallapais,  Hulapais,  Hwalapai,  Jagullapai  (after  Garces), 
Jaguyapay,  Jaqualapai,  Jaquallapai,  Tiqui-llapai,  Wallapais,  Wil- 
ha-py-ah. — F.  W.  H. 

*"  Jose  Cortes  (in  Whipple's  Report)  must  have  had  access 
to  Garces,  for  his  statement  of  the  language  and  gesticulation 
of  the  Mojave,  whom  he  miscalls  "  Tamajabs,"  is  almost  a  literal 
translation  of  the  above:  "The  language  is  very  strange;  it  is 
spoken  with  violent  utterance  and  a  lofty  arrogance  of  manner; 
and  in  making  speeches,  the  thighs  are  violently  struck  with  the 
palms  of  the  hands  "! 

41  That  is  to  say,  at  the  mission  of  San  Gabriel,  in  the  vicinity 
of  Los  Angeles,  Cal.,  whither  we  will  now  follow  the  good  mis- 
sionary. We  shall  be  able  to  trace  his  very  steps  on  this  jour- 
ney, as  I  once  followed  his  route  very  closely,  and  have  my  own 
itinerary  before  me,  Oct.  30-Nov.  14,  1865,  from  Mojave  to 
San  Gabriel.  Besides  myself  the  party  consisted  of  John  N. 
Goodwin,  governor  of  Arizona;  Lieutenant  Charles  A.  Curtis, 
5th  U.  S.  Infantry;  two  servants,  one  of  them  my  Mexican  boy 
Jose,  whose  full  name  I  never  knew,  and  the  other  Curtis' 
striker;  and  two  teamsters,  one  of  the  4-mule  ambulance  in 
which  we  rode,  the  other  of  the  6-mule  wagon  for  our  baggage 
and  rations.     The  route,  in  brief,  was  west  to  Soda  lake,  then 


DEPARTURE    FROM    MOJAVE.  2 /, .: 

soon  to  accompany  me,  saying  that  already  they  had 
informations  of  them  and  knew  the  way.  But  as  now 
I  had  few  provisions,  I  determined  to  depart  imme- 
diately (quanto  antes);  and  told  them  that  on  the  re- 
turn we  would  see  them  again  (de  espacio).  I  left 
here  the  greater  part  of  my  baggage  and  the  inter- 
preter that  I  had  sent  with  the  Indian  girls  (Inditas) 
that  I  had  rescued;  and  in  company  with  the  Indian 
Sevastian  and  the  Jamajabs  I  departed  from  this 
place. 

up  the  Mojave  river,  through  the  Cajon  pass  to  San  Ber- 
nardino valley,  and  thence  to  San  Gabriel  mission  near  Los 
Angeles.  The  clearest  map  of  the  road  that  I  know  of  is  one 
on  a  scale  of  16  miles  to  the  inch  published  by  the  Wheeler 
survey  of  1875,  being  a  topographical  sketch  of  the  route  fol- 
lowed by  a  party  under  Lieut.  Eric  Bergland,  corps  of  Engi- 
neers, U.  S.  A.  This  road  does  not  agree  well  with  the  present 
railroad  line,  but  in  those  earlier  years  it  was  the  only  road  from 
Mojave  westward. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

FROM    MOJAVE    TO    SAN    GABRIEL,    MAR.-APR.    8,     1 776. 

Mar.  1.  I  went  three  leagues  northwest,  accom- 
panied by  the  principal  captain  of  the  Jamajabs;  and 
having  turned  aside  from  the  fields  of  wheat  I  arrived 
at  the  rancherias  where  was  his  house,  and  which  I 
named  (Rancherias)  de  Santa  Isabel.1 

Mar.  2.  I  tarried  at  request  of  the  captain  in  order 
to  satisfy  others  who  desired  to  see  me.  This  day 
visited  me  another  captain  with  his  people,  and  two 
Indians  of  the  Chemebet  nation. 

Mar.  5.  I  proceeded  three  leagues  on  the  course 
northwest  with  some  turns  to  the  westnorthwest.2  I 
observed  this  locality  to  be  in  350  01',  and  I  named 
it  San  Pedro  de  los  Jamajabs.3     In  this  situation  and 

1  These  rancherias  were  in  the  vicinity  of  the  present  railroad 
station  Needles. 

2  So  my  copy,  oestnoroeste,  but  there  seems  to  be  some  doubt 
of  this  reading.  Bancroft's  copy  had  the  impossible  "  east- 
northwest  "  (Hist.  Cal.,  i,  p.  275) ;  Beaumont  MS.  has  estnor- 
ueste,  and  so  has  the  pub.  Doc,  p.  276.  I  am  inclined  to  make 
it  estnordeste,  eastnortheast. 

'  If  we  allow  the  reading  eastnortheast,  we  can  bring  Garces 


POZOS   DE   SAN    CASIMIRO.  235 

in  that  below  there  are  good  mesas  for  the  founda- 
tion of  missions,  and  though  they  are  near  the  river 
they  are  free  from  inundation. 

Mar.  4,  on  which  was  made  the  observation  noted 
on  the  3d  day.  I  departed,  accompanied  by  three 
Jamajab  Indians  and  by  Sevastian,  on  a  course  south- 
west, and  in  two  leagues  and  a  half  arrived  at  some 
wells  [which  I  named  Pozos  de  San  Casimiro.4 
There  is  some  grass. 

around  a  bend  of  the  river,  and  take  his  350  01'  at  its  face  value, 
as  a  mile  above  the  point  where  the  Nevada  boundary  line 
strikes  the  Colorado  at  350.  This  sets  his  San  Pedro  de  los 
Jamajabs  nearly  opposite  the  well-known  site  of  Fort  Mojave. 
This  military  post  was  built  in  1858  on  a  bluff  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  river,  lat.  about  350  03',  and  some  five  miles  below  Hardy. 
The  Mojaves  and  other  Indians  were  then  hostile;  but  they 
were  defeated  in  battle  by  troops  under  Capt.  and  Bvt.  Major 
Lewis  A.  Armistead  of  the  6th  Infantry  (who  soon  afterward 
joined  the  C.  S.  A.  and  was  killed  at  Gettysburg  July  3,  1863), 
and  thereafter  gave  no  trouble.  The  fort  was  abandoned  May, 
1861,  but  reoccupied  the  same  month  of  1863  by  two  companies 
of  the  4th  California  volunteers.  The  military  reservation, 
established  by  Executive  Order  of  Mar.  30,  1870,  was  turned 
over  to  the  Interior  Department  by  President  Harrison,  Sept. 
19,  1890,  under  A.  of  C.  approved  July  31,  1882. 

4  Lacuna  here  in  our  copy,  by  fault  of  the  scribe.  I  bracket 
the  required  matter  from  the  Beaumont  MS.  and  ihe  pub.  Doc, 
both  of  which  name  these  wells:  see  also  beyond,  p.  308.  When 
I  ferried  across  the  river  from  Fort  Mojave,  Oct.  30,  1865,  I 
went  3  miles  to  some  water  called  Beaver  lake;  whence  it  was 
22  miles  to  Piute  springs,  the  usual  first  camp  out  from  the  fort. 
The  road  was  fair,  though  mostly  up  and  down  hill,  and  either 


236  SIERRA   DE    SANTA    COLETA. 

Mar.  5.5  Departing  by  the  northwest  I  traveled 
eight  leagues  west  one  quarter  westsouthwest,  on  a 
road  level  and  grassy,  and  halted  at  some  wells  of 
excellent  but  little  abundant  water.  Sebastian  said 
that  two  mule-trains  could  drink.] 

Mar.  6.  I  traveled  five  leagues  west  and  three  west- 
southwest,  through  land  level  and  grassy.  I  arrived 
at  a  sierra  that  has  pines,  though  small  ones,  and  I 
named  it   (Sierra)   de  Santa  Coleta.6      The  aguage, 

sandy  or  rocky.  But  it  appears  that  Garces  did  not  go  exactly 
this  way.  He  started  west  from  the  river  below  Fort  Mojave, 
and  took  an  Indian  trail  that  runs  approx.  parallel  with,  but  a 
few  miles  S.  of,  the  main  wagon  road  I  was  on,  joining  the 
latter  further  on. 

s  No  entry  for  Mar.  5  in  our  copy,  by  continued  scribal  omis- 
sion, which  I  supply  in  brackets;  for  both  the  Beaumont  MS.  and 
the  pub.  Doc.  give  an  8-league  journey  between  San  Casimiro 
wells  and  another  day's  journey  to  camp  on  the  6th.  I  have  no 
doubt  this  is  correct,  as  this  interpolation  adjusts  Garces'  camps 
well  with  what  I  know  of  the  route  he  is  on.  March  5,  therefore, 
we  send  Garces  eight  leagues  west  x/\  westsouthwest  to  some 
nameless  wells.  These  should  be  found  on  Pahute  or  Piute 
wash,  at  a  point  a  few  miles  S.  of  the  well-known  Piute  springs 
of  my  last  note. 

8  When  I  traveled  the  main  road  on  Oct.  31,  1865,  from  Piute 
springs  it  was  20  miles  to  Rock  springs,  where  I  found  no 
water  and  went  two  miles  further  to  water  at  what  were  called 
Government  holes  in  those  days;  total,  22  miles.  Now  Garces 
is  coming  along  his  trail  but  little  south  of  my  road,  and  nearly 
parallel  therewith.  His  eight  leagues  to-day,  nearly  west,  takes 
him  on  to  the  Sierra  de  Santa  Coleta,  in  which  range  he  finds 


CANADA    DE    SANTA    TOM  AS,    ETC.  2yj 

which  is  somewhat  scanty,  is  in  the  midst  of  the  sierra, 
but  there  is  much  grass  and  of  good  quality.  Here 
I  met  four  Indians  that  were  coming  from  Santa 
Clara,7  after  trading  in  shells  (cucntas)*  I  was  lost 
in  wonder  (quede  admirado)  to  see  that  they  brought 
no  provisions  whatever  on  a  route  where  there  is 
naught  to  eat,  nor  did  they  carry  bows  for  hunting. 
They  replied  to  my  amazement,  "  the  Jamajabs  en- 
dure hunger  and  thirst  for  four  days,"  to  give  me  to 
understand  that  indeed  are  they  valiant  men. 

Mar.  7.  In  the  afternoon  I  passed  the  sierra 
through  a  good  gap,  and  at  the  outlet  (a  la  salida) 
entered  into  a  Canada  that  on  both  sides  has  hills  of 
sand;  I  named  it  Canada  de  Santo  Tomas,9  and  hav- 
ing traveled  four  leagues  westnorthwest  I  halted, 
though    better   would   it   have   been   to   follow   the 

a  scanty  aguage.  This  watering-place  is  Cedar  springs,  in  the 
Providence  mountains  of  modern  geography.  Observe  the 
name  "  Cedar  "  springs,  and  the  statement  that  the  sierra  "  has 
pines,  though  small  ones." 

7  The  note  on  Santa  Clara  will  be  found  on  p.  257. 

8  Cuentas  were  certain  seashells  highly  prized  by  the  Indiana, 
and  a  brisk  trade  was  carried  on  in  them  between  tribes  of  the 
interior  and  those  of  the  coast  where  they  were  found.  Much 
more  about  cuentas  beyond. 

"There  are  more  than  one  of  the  name;  I  presume  Garces 
named  the  Canada  for  St.  Thomas  Didymus,  one  of  the  12 
apostles,  not  for  St.  Thomas  a  Becket,  b.  London  11 18,  mur- 
dered in  Canterbury  cathedra!  Dec.  29.  1170.  canonized  1x72. 
Observe  the  northing  to'  the  dry  camp. 


238     SIERRA   PINTA — ARROYO   DE   LOS    MARTIRES. 

Canada,  since  the  footing  was  firm.  Here  there  was 
grass,  but  no  water. 

Mar.  8.  I  went  six  leagues  westsouthwest,  in  part 
through  the  cafiada  and  in  part  through  the  medano. 
I  arrived  at  some  very  abundant  wells  which  I  named 
Pozos  de  San  Juan  de  Dios,10  and  there  is  sufficient 
grass.     Here  begins  the  Befieme  nation.11 

Mar.  p.  I  went  5  leagues  [west]  \  westsouthwest, 
and  arrived  at  a  gap  in  the  sierra  that  I  named 
(Sierra)  Pinta  for  the  veins  that  run  in  it  of  various 
colors.  Here  T  encountered  an  arroyo  of  saltish 
water  that  I  named  (Arroyo)  de  los  Martires.12 
There  is  good  grass. 

10  For  note  on  the  ''ozos  de  San  Juan  de  Dios  see  p.  258. 

11  Befieme.  These  ;re  doubtless  the  Panamint  Indians,  of  Sho- 
shoean  stock,  after  whom  the  valley  and  range  west  of  Death 
valley  (their  present  habitat)  were  named.  Formerly  they  occu- 
pied the  region  mentioned  (in  Inyo  county,  Cal.),  and  the  ad- 
jacent desert  stretches.  As  late  as  1883  they  numbered  about 
150;  ten  years  later  their  number  did  not  exceed  50.  These 
Indians  live  mainly  on  herbs  and  roots,  and  therefore  have 
been  popularly  known,  with  other  tribes,  as  "  Root  Diggers," 
or  "  Diggers."— F.  W.  H. 

The  above  text  of  Garces  is  evidently  the  basis  of  Cortes  in 
Whipple's  Report,  p.  124:  "Journeying  from  the  nation  of  the 
Tamajabs  [sic]  to  the  west  quarter  northwest,  at  the  end  of  20 
leagues  begins  the  nation  of  the  Beneme." 

13  Mar.  9  is  the  memorable  day  on  which  Garces  discovers 
Mojave  river,  never  before  seen  by  a  white  man.  He  has 
reached  the  sink  of  the  river,  modern  Soda  lake,  and  names  it 


DISCOVERY    OF    THE    MOJAVE    RIVER.  239 

Mar.  10.  I  went  6  leagues  up  the  arroyo  on  a  course 
westsouthwest,  and  with  various  windings  I  halted 
in  the  same  arroyo,  at  a  place  where  it  has  cotton- 
woods,  much  grass,  and  lagunas.1 ' 

Mar.  ii.  Having  gone  one  league  eastsoutheast 
I  arrived  at  some  rancherias  so  poor  that  they  had  to 
eat  no  other  thing  than  the  roots  of  rushes  (rayses  de 

Arroyo  de  los  Martires — a  term  appearing  as  "  R.  de  los  Mar- 
tires  "  on  Font's  map  of  1777,  but  "  R.  de  los  Martinez  "  by  mis- 
print on  the  reduced  copy  in  Bancroft,  and  Rio  de  los  Martires 
having  originally  been  Kino's  name  of  the  Colorado  in  1609. 
Hence  arose  some  confusion;  but  there  is  not  the  slightest  doubt 
of  Garces'  discovery  and  present  position.  Mojave  river  has 
no  outlet,  but  sinks  in  the  sand  at  Soda  lake  or  marsh,  a  place 
which  varies  much  in  appearance  at  different  seasons  or  condi- 
tions of  water  supply.  The  sink  has  an  extent  of  about  20  miles 
from  N.  to  S.,  but  is  narrow  in  the  opposite  direction,  and  the 
main  road  takes  directly  across  the  middle  of  it  from  E.  to  W. 
when  the  water  is  low.  When  I  crossed  it- was  nearly  dry  ex- 
cept in  some  reedy  patches,  and  most  of  the  surface  was  whit- 
ened with  alkaline  efflorescence;  the  water  was  bad,  as  Garces 
says;  the  grass  was  poor,  there  was  no  wood,  and  myriads  of 
mosquitos  tormented  us,  though  water  had  frozen  half  an  inch 
thick  on  our  buckets  on  the  night  of  Oct.  31.  On  the  W.  side 
of  the  sink  a  road  goes  northward;  the  road  to  follow  is  the 
left-hand  one,  which  runs  about  W.  S.  W.  and  strikes  the  river 
a  few  miles  higher  up,  as  the  river  comes  into  the  extreme  S. 
end  of  the  sink.  This  is  Garces'  course  for  to-morrow,  "  arroyo 
arriba  con  rumbo  al  Oestsudoeste." 

"The  distance  given  should  set  Garces  in  the  vicinity  of  a 
place  on  the  river  called  the  Caves— a  usual  first  stopping  place 
in  going  up  the  Mojave  from  Soda  lake. 


24O  BENEME     INDIANS SAN     JOSE     NOTED. 

title);  they  are  of  the  Beneme  nation  and  there  were 
about  25  souls.  I  gave  them  of  my  little  store  (los 
regale  con  mi  pobreza),  and  they  did  the  same  with 
their  tule-roots,  which  my  companions  the  Jamajabs 
ate  with  repugnance.  The  poor  people  manifested 
much  concern  at  their  inability  to  go  hunting  in  order 
to  supply  me,  inasmuch  as  it  was  raining  and  very 
cold,  and  they  were  entirely  naked.  Here  grows  the 
wild  grape;  there  is  much  grass;  also  mezquites  and 
trees  that  grow  the  screw.14  This  nation  is  the  same 
as  that  of  San  Gabriel,  Santa  Clara,  and  San  Joseph.15 
They  have  some  baskets  (coritas)  like  those  of  the 
Canal  (de  Santa  Barbara).     They  have  coats  of  otter, 

14  Arboles  que  crian  el  tornillo,  literally  as  above  rendered. 
This  is  the  screw-mezquite,  Prosopis  pubescens. 

u  Of  San  Gabriel  more  anon,  when  we  come  to  it.  For  Santa 
Clara  see  note  7,  p.  257.  San  Joseph  is  frequently  written  instead 
of  the  Spanish  form,  San  Jose,  in  annals  of  this  period;  the  mis- 
sion of  this  name  was  not  founded  till  June  11,  1797,  and  the 
first  pueblo  in  Upper  California  was  not  established  till  Nov. 
29,  T-777-  This  was  named  San  Jose,  more  fully  San  Jose  de 
Guadalupe  from  the  river  on  which  it  was  situated,  sometimes 
called  San  Jose  de  Alvaredo  for  the  governor,  sometimes  San 
Jose  de  Galvez  for  the  visitador  general  of  that  name,  who  in 
a  pronunciamiento  of  Nov.  21,  1768,  appointed  St.  Joseph  patron 
or  overseer  at  large  of  the  operations  about  to  be  undertaken 
for  the  new  conversions  of  California,  because  his  image  had 
driven  away  locusts  from  San  Jose  del  Cabo  in  1767.  But  this 
Pueblo  de  San  Jose  is  not  the  place  meant  by  Garces;  he  means 
the  Valle  de  San  Joseph  which  he  names  beyond,  Mar.  22,  and 


CONTINUING    UP    MOJAVE    RIVER.  J.\  I 

and  of  rabbits,  and  some  very  curious  snares  that  they 
make  of  wild  hemp,  of  which  there  is  much  in  these 
lands.  As  a  rule  are  they  very  effeminate,  and  the 
women  uncleanly,  like  those  of  the  sierras;  but  all  are 
very  quiet  and  inoffensive,  and  they  hear  with  atten- 
tion that  which  is  told  them  of  God. 

Mar.  12.  I  traveled  two  leagues  westsouthwest, 
and  halted  in  the  same  arroyo  [*.  e.,  on  the  Mojave 
river],  at  an  uninhabited  rancheria;  the  rain,  the  cold, 
and  hunger  continued,  for  there  were  no  roots  of  tule, 
and  the  remaining  inhabited  rancherias  were  afar 
(largo  trecho).  In  which  emergency  I  determined 
that  my  companions  should  kill  a  horse  to  relieve  the 
necessity;  not  even  was  the  blood  thereof  wasted,  for 
indeed  there  was  need  to  go  on  short  rations  (poncr 
coto  en  las  raciou-es)  in  order  to  survive  the  days  that 
we  required  to  reach  the  next  rancherias.  On  ac- 
count of  the  severe  cold  turned  back  from  here  one 
Jamajab  Indian  of  those  who  were  accompanying 
me;  of  the  other  two  Indians  of  his  nation  I  covered 
the  one  with  a  blanket,  and  the  other  with  a  shirt 
(tunica).  As  there  Avas  much  to  eat  of  the  dead 
horse,  they  would  not  depart  hence  until  the  15th 
day. 

Mar.  15.  I  went  two  leagues  westnorthwest  [and 

which  is  the  modern  San  Bernardino.    See  note  :4,  p.  247,  at  date 
of  Mar.  23. 


242  PAST    OLD    CAMP    CADY. 

a  league  and  a  half  northwest.  I  halted  in  the  same 
arroyo.     There  is  much  grass. 

Mar.  i6.l&  I  traveled  two  leagues  westnorthwest] ; 
then  quitting  the  arroyo  I  traveled  southwest  until  I 
fell  into  it  again,  and  continued  therein  with  some  in- 
clination to  the  south.  Having  gone  four  leagues  (I 
came  to  where)  there  were  good  grass,  large  cotton- 
woods,  cranes,  and  crows  of  the  kind  that  there  is  at 
San  Gabriel. 

Mar.  17.  At  the  passage  of  the  river  the  mule 
mired  down,  and  wetted  was  all  that  he  was  carrying, 
and  for  this  did  I  tarry  here.  This  day  I  dispatched 
one  Jamajab  and  Sevastian,  that  they  should  seek 
the  inhabited  rancherias.     I  observed,  and  found  this 


"No  entry  for  the  16th,  and  that  for  the  15th  defective,  owing 
to  hiatus  in  our  copy,  which  I  fill  up  in  brackets  from  the 
Beaumont  MS.  and  the  pub.  Doc.  Hence  it  appears  that 
about  this  time  Garces  passes  what  was  once  a  notable  point 
on  the  Mojave  river — the  site  of  Camp  Cady.  This  mili- 
tary post  was  occupied  when  I  came  by,  Nov.  4,  1865,  16  miles 
from  my  camp  at  the  Caves  already  mentioned.  I  find  the  fol- 
lowing in  my  journal  of  that  day:  "  Half  a  day's  pull  through 
heavy  sandy  and  gravelly  washes  brought  us  to  this  God- 
forsaken Botany  Bay  of  a  place,  the  meanest  I  ever  saw  yet  for 
a  military  station,  where  four  officers  and  a  handful  of  men 
manage  to  exist  in  some  unexplained  way  in  mud  and  brush 
hovels.  The  officers  were  Capt.  West,  Lieut.  Forster,  Lieut. 
Davidson,  and  Dr.  Lauber — glad  enough  to  see  us — or  any- 
body else." 


ANOTHER   BENEME    RANCHERIA.  243 

position  in  340  37'. 1T  This  day  there  came  five  Jama- 
jab  Indians  who  were  returning  from  San  Gabriel 
from  their  commerce,  and  very  content  to  have  seen 
the  padres,  who  had  given  them  corn;  they  imitated 
the  bleating  of  calves. 

Mar.  18.  Sevastian  returned  without  mishap,  prais- 
ing the  kind  reception  that  had  been  given  them 
[himself  and  his  companion]  by  the  Indians  whom 
they  had  seen;  and  thereupon  I  went  five  leagues 
southwest  up  river,13  and  arrived  at  a  rancheria  of 
some  40  souls  of  the  same  Beneme  nation.  Inas- 
much as  I  observed  that  I  was  going  below  {bajaba) 
the  35th  degree,  I  entreated  the  Indians  that  they 
should  take  me  toward  the  west;  but  with  all  the  in- 
sistency that  I  urged  I  could  not  succeed,  and  they 

17  Regarding  the  observation  of  340  37'  see  beyond,  p.  306,  at 
date  of  May  19,  when  Garces  returns  to  the  river. 

18  We  have  recovered  Garces'  mileage,  and  we  have  him  safe 
enough  on  the  river.  From  what  he  says  of  his  southwest 
course,  and  his  anxiety  at  finding  himself  going  so  far  below 
lat.  350,  I  should  suppose  him  to  be  somewhere  between  Grape- 
vine and  Cottonwood.  From  Camp  Cady  to  Grapevine 
(Jacobi's)  is  about  25  miles;  at  1 1  miles  of  this  distance  is  a 
point  called  Forks  of  the  Road,  where  a  road  to  Salt  Lake 
City  branches.  Most  of  the  way  is  along  the  left  bank,  north 
side  of  the  river;  then  comes  a  stretch  off  the  river,  which  is 
regained  at  a  place  called  Fish  Pond;  whence  it  is  four  miles 
further  to  Grapevine.  The  railroad  now  crosses  the  river  in 
this  vicinity,  between  stations  Fish  Pond  and  Waterman.  I 
was  last  there  in  Dec,  1891. 


244  POLITENESS    OF    THESE    POOR    INDIANS. 

simply  responded  that  they  knew  no  other  road.  In 
this  rancheria  they  regaled  me  with  hares,  rabbits, 
and  great  abundance  of  acorn  porridge,  wherewith  we 
relieved  the  great  neediness  that  we  had. 

Mar.  19.  I  went  one  league  southsoutheast  (sic) 
and  arrived  at  the  house  of  the  captain  of  these  ran- 
cherias.  He  presented  me  with  a  string  of  about  two 
varas  of  white  sea-shells;  and  his  wife  sprinkled  me 
with  acorns  and  tossed  the  basket,  which  is  a  sign 
among  these  people  of  great  obeisance.  In  a  little 
while  after  that  she  brought  sea-shells  in  a  small 
gourd,  and  sprinkled  me  with  them  in  the  way  which 
is  done  when  flowers  are  thrown.  Likewise  when  the 
second  woman  came  she  expressed  her  affection  by 
the  same  ceremonies.  I  reciprocated  these  atten- 
tions as  well  as  I  could  (del  modo  que  pude),  and  mar- 
veled to  see  that  among  these  people  so  rustic  are 
found  demonstrations  proper  to  the  most  cultivated, 
and  a  particular  prodigality  (magnificenciu)  in  scat- 
tering their  greatest  treasures,  which  are  the  shells. 

Mar.  20.  I  went  two  leagues  and  a  half  east  and 
southsoutheast  (sic),  following  up  the  river.  I  took 
an  observation  near  the  gap  between  two  small  cerros 
through  which  the  river  passes,  and  found  it  in  340 
18'.  In  the  afternoon  I  went  five  leagues  south  and 
southeast  (sic)  19  and  arrived  at  a  rancheria  of  about 

"  Garces  continues  up  river,  as  he  says  h*e  does;  the  words 


LEAVING   THE    RIVER    BY   A    CANADA.  245 

70  souls,  where  I  was  received  with  great  joy.  On 
my  arrival  (quando  iba  llcgando)  some  howled  like 
wolves,  and  others  made  long  harangues  in  a  very 
high  key  (en  voz  muy  alta).  Here  there  were  two 
captains  who  with  all  the  other  men  presented  me 
with  white  sea-shells,  and  the  women  made  the 
demonstration  of  sprinkling  me  with  acorns;  some 
extended  this  favor  to  my  mules. 

Mar.  21.  Leaving  the  river  I  set  forth  southwest- 
ward,  and  having  gone  two  leagues  through  a  Canada 
and  some  hills,  I  arrived  at  a  rancheria  of  five  huts 
(xacales)  on  the  bank  of  the  river.     I  continued  on  a 

"  est  "  "  sursueste  "  and  "  sueste  "  are  unmistakable  in  the  hand- 
writing before  me.  The  road  which  I  followed  in  1865  crosses 
from  left  to  right  bank  of  the  river  a  few  miles  above  the  Grape- 
vine place  said,  continues  past -Cottonwood  to  Point  of  Rocks, 
22  miles  from  Grapevine,  on  a  southwest  course;  at  Point  of 
Rocks  it  turns  due  south  to  what  was  called  Lane's,  or  the 
Upper  crossing,  and  there  leaves  the  river  entirely  to  strike 
straight  south  by  west  for  Cajon  pass  in  the  mountains,  reached 
in  19  miles  from  Lane's.  This  is  the  way  I  went,  as  my  itinerary 
shows:  "Nov.  9.  To  Martin's  ranch,  29  miles  S.  from  Lane's 
crossing;  more  than  half  the  distance  in  open  country,  and 
then  we  entered  the  Cajon  pass  in  the  mountains,  where  there 
is  a  tollgate.  The  pass  is  a  narrow,  deep,  and  tortuous  canon, 
the  roughest  I  have  ever  traversed  on  wheels:  there  was  10 
miles  of  this  from  the  tollgate  to  Martin's  ranch."  Now  Garces 
has  been  sent  through  Cajon  pass,  with  a  query,  as  by  Ban- 
croft, Hist.  Cala.,  i,  p.  275;  but  I  do  not  think  he  went  that  way. 
Taking  his  courses  on  their  face,  he  continued  up  the  Mojave 


246  OVER   THE   SIERRA. 

course  to  the  south  and  entered  into  a  Canada20  of 
much  wood,  grass,  and  water;  I  saw  many  cotton- 
woods,  alders,  oaks,  very  tall  firs,  and  beautiful  juni- 
pers (sabinos);  and  having  gone  one  league  I  arrived 
at  a  rancheria  of  about  80  souls,  which  I  named 
(Rancheria)  de  San  Benito.  I  was  received  with 
great  joy,  and  they  made  me  the  same  obeisance. 
Mar.  22.  I  went  three  leagues  and  passed  over  the 
sierra  by  the  southsouthwest.21  The  woods  that  I 
said  yesterday  reach  to  the  summit  of  this  sierra, 
whence  I  saw  clearly  the  sea,  the  Rio  de  Santa  Anna, 

river,  with  considerable  easting  as  said,  passed  Huntington's 
on  the  river,  and  then  through  Bear  or  Holcomb  valley  rounded 
up  to  the  mountains  directly  north  of  the  San  Bernardino  valley, 
and  crossed  them  by  the  well-known  trail  into  this  valley.  See 
notes  following. 

20  This  cafiada  is  the  pass  through  which  Garces  crossed  the 
mountains,  between  the  San  Gabriel  and  the  San  Bernardino 
ranges,  from  Holcomb's  valley  into  the  beautiful  one  which 
became  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  San  Bernardino.  He  is 
tracing  the  Mojave  river  up  to  its  very  source,  near  which  is  the 
rancheria  he  calls  San  Benito.     See  last  and  next  notes. 

31  Into  the  San  Bernardino  valley,  which  is  Garces'  Valle  de 
San  Joseph,  on  the  upper  reaches  of  his  Rio  de  Santa  Anna, 
which  is  the  present  name  of  this  river,  commonly  in  the  form 
Santa  Ana.  This  rises  in  the  San  Bernardino  mts.,  runs 
through  the  valley  just  said,  and  takes  a  mean  S.  W.  course  to 
the  sea  at  Newport,  under  Point  Lasuen.  Garces  is  about  to 
fall  upon  the  trail  of  the  main  expedition,  and  the  names  he 
uses  for  the  river  and  valley  are  easily  identified  by  this:  see 
note  for  Mar.  23. 


UPON    THE    ROAD   OF    THE    EXPEDITION.  247 

and  the  Valle  de  San  Joseph.  Its  descent  is  little 
wooded.  At  a  little  distance  from  its  foot  I  found 
another  rancheria  where  the  Indians  received  me 
very  joyfully.  I  continued  westsouthwest,"  and 
having  traveled  three  leagues  along  the  skirt  of  the 
sierra,  I  halted  in  the  Arroyo  de  los  Alisos.23 

Mar.  23.  I  traveled  half  a  league  westsouthwest, 
and  one  south,  at  the  instance  of  some  Indians  who 
met  me  and  made  me  go  to  eat  at  their  rancheria. 
Thereafter  having  gone  another  league  westsouth- 
west I  came  upon  the  road  of  the  expedition.24  which 

13  Bancroft,  /.  c,  misprints  this  course  "  E.  S.  E.,"  no  doubt  by 
error  of  his  copy;  it  is  very  plainly  "  Oestsudoeste  "  in  my  copy. 
The  Beaumont  MS.  has  "  Oestsudueste,  y  al  Oeste";  the  pub. 
Doc,  p.  281,  has  "  estsudueste  y  al  oest." 

23  Arroyo  de  los  Alisos,  which  would  be  Alder  (or  Sycamore) 
gulch  in  English,  is  a  tributary  of  Santa  Ana  river,  and  on  it  is 
Cocomungo  or  Cucamonga,  which  was  merely  a  ranch  when  I 
passed  it  in  1865,  between  San  Bernardino  and  the  modern 
Pomona,  on  the  main  road  to  San  Gabriel  and  Los  Angeles. 
It  was  called  Arroyo  de  Osos  or  Bear  gulch  on  Anza's  expedi- 
tion of  1774,  which  Garces  accompanied.  His  halt  to-night  is 
at  or  near  the  site  of  this  ranch. 

M  Route  of  the  main  party  under  Anza,  easily  picked  up  from 
Font's  Diary,  which  enables  us  to  identify  the  names  used  by 
Garces  along  here.  Refer  to  note  7  p.  204,  after  date  of  Jan  3. 
where  Puerto  de  San  Carlos  is  identified  with  modern  San  Gor- 
gonio  pass;  and  see  Font's  map,  camp-mark  "  55,"  on  this  spot. 
Thence  on  Dec.  27  the  expedition  went  some  6  leagues  N.  \V. 
and  W.  N.  W.  to  the  beginning  of  the  Canada  de  San  Patricio; 
mark  "56."     Dec.  28,  remained;  observed  lat.  33°  37'.     Dec.  20. 


248  ARRIVAL    AT    SAN    GABRIEL    MISSION. 

I  followed  at  a  good  gait  (a  paso  largo)  till  nightfall; 
and  having  gone  eight  leagues  in  this  direction  and  to 
the  northwest,  I  halted  [on  Rio  de  San  Gabriel,  at 
or  near  a  place  now  called  El  Monte]. 

Mar.  24.  At  two  leagues  westnorthwest  I  arrived 
at  the  mission  of  San  Gabriel,26  where  I  was  received 
by  the  padres  with  great  kindness,  and  had  the  special 
pleasure  to  have  arrived  on  the  day  on  which  my 
seraphic  religion  celebrates  the   Santo  Principe;  to 

7  full  leagues  N.  W.  J4  W.,  with  some  turns  N.,  to  the  Arroyo 
de  San  Joseph,  where  ended  the  Canada  which  had  been  fol- 
lowed; mark  "  57."  Dec.  29,  the  crystalline  water  of  the  Arroyo 
de  San  Joseph,  from  the  Sierra  Nevada,  was  so  beautiful  that 
they  called  the  gorge  down  which  it  ran  the  Canada  del  Paraiso 
(Paradise),  and  thence  it  flowed  through  the  Valle  de  San  Jo- 
seph; route  5  leagues  W.  N.  W.  from  Arroyo  de  San  Joseph 
into  Valle  de  San  Joseph  at  foot  of  a  hill;  mark  "  58."     Dec.  31, 

8  leagues  W.  N.  W.  in  the  valley  to  Rio  de  Santa  Ana;  mark 
"59."  Here  the  expedition  is  at  or  near  modern  San  Bernardino. 
(Observe  that  Font's  other  map,  of  1777,  connects  Rio  de  Santa 
Ana  with  R.  de  los  Martires  or  Mojave  river,  making  the  latter 
run  to  the  Pacific — at  least,  such  is  the  connection  on  the  copy 
of  the  map  in  my  hands;  but  there  is  no  such  blunder  on  the 
original  Font  map  of  1776.)  Jan.  1,  1776,  remained.  Jan.  2,  6 
leagues  W.  N.  W.  to  Arroyo  de  los  Alisos;  mark  "  60."  Jan.  3, 
some  6  leagues  W.  N.  W.  to  an  arroyo  which  joins  another  to 
form  the  Rio  de  San  Gabriel;  mark  "  61."  This  seems  to  have 
been  at  the  place  now  known  as  El  Monte;  wherever  it  was, 
Garces  camps  there  this  night  of  Mar.  23,  for  he  gets  into  the 
mission  to-morrow  at  a  couple  of  leagues,  just  as  Font  does 
Jan.  4;  camp  mark  "62,"  and  big  letter  "  B  "  of  his  maps. 

*  This  long  note  on  San  Gabriel  begins  on  p.  258. 


SAN    LUIS   OBISPO    MISSION    NOTED. 

which  was  added  that  of  seeing  this  mission  so  ad- 
vanced, both  in  the  spiritualities  and  the  temporali- 
ties, since  the  former  occasion  when  I  was  here.28 
My  principal  intention  since  I  departed  from  the  Ja- 
majabs  was  to  see  if  I  could  go  directly  to  the  mission 
of  San  Luis,27  or  further  upward,  in  order  that  thus 
might  be  facilitated  (quedasc  facil)  the  communica- 

24  In  March,  1774:  see  antea,  Garces'  Fourth  Entrada.  p.  43. 

"  San  Luis  Obispo  de  Tolosa,  the  fifth  in  order  of  time  of 
the  Californian  conversions,  founded  Sept.  1,  1772;  named  for 
St.  Louis,  bishop  of  Toulouse,  son  of  Charles  of  Anjou  (King 
of  Naples),  and  nephew  of  San  Luis  Rey  de  Francia  (Louis  IX.. 
King  of  France,  1226-70);  b.  1275,  became  Franciscan  1294, 
d.  1298,  canonized  1 3 1 7 ;  his  day,  Aug.  19.  The  mission  was 
sometimes  called  San  Luis  de  los  Tichos,  an  Indian  tribe,  and 
must  not  be  confounded  with  the  other  of  similar  name,  San 
Luis  Rey,  so  called  from  the  King  of  France  just  said,  founded 
June  13,  1798.  San  Luis  Obispo  was  started  by  Governor  Fages 
and  Padre  Serra  on  a  spot  called  by  the  natives  Tixlini,  a  mile 
or  more  from  the  Canada  de  los  Osos  or  Bear  gulch.  The 
present  San  Luis  Obispo  county  of  California,  its  present  county 
seat,  and  also  San  Luis  bay  and  Point  San  Luis  on  the  coast, 
all  take  name  from  this  original  establishment.  The  first  min- 
ister was  Padre  Jose  Cavalier.  Missionaries  there  about  1773. 
besides  Cavalier,  were  Padres  Domingo  Juncosa,  Jose  Antonio 
Murguia,  Juan  Prestamero,  and  Tomas  de  la  Pena.  In  1774 
a  church  of  some  size  lacked  only  the  roof.  On  the  present 
expedition  of  1776,  Mar.  2,  Anza  brought  a  number  of  immi- 
grants to  San  Luis  Obispo,  and  stood  godfather  to  some  chil- 
dren Font  baptized.  Most  of  the  buildings  were  destroyed  by 
native  incendiary  fires  on  Nov.  29  of  this  year,  while  Cavalier 
and  Figuer  were  in  charge,  assisted  by  Murguia  and  Mugar- 


250  SAN    CARLOS    MISSION    NOTED. 

tion,  as  the  most  excellent  seiior  viceroy  desires,  of  the 
provinces  of  Sonora  and  Moqui  with  Monte-Rey.28 

tegui;  and  there  were  two  other  extensive  fires  within  a  few 
years. 

38  Otherwise  the  Bay  of  Monterey,  where  the  mission  of  San 
Carlos  Borromeo  de  Monterey  was  founded  June  3,  1770,  mak- 
ing the  second  one  in  California  Alta  (San  Diego,  1769).  The 
name  is  that  of  Count  Carlo  Borromeo,  son  of  the  Count  of 
Arona,  nephew  of  Pope  Pius  IV.,  an  Italian  nobleman,  arch- 
bishop of  Milan,  cardinal,  etc.,  b.  at  Arona  near  Lake  Maggiore 
in  Italy  Oct.  2,  1538,  d.  at  Milan  Nov.  3,  1584,  canonized  in 
1610;  his  day  is  Nov.  4;  he  is  commonly  called  St.  Charles 
Borromeo  in  English,  and  his  colossal  statue,  70  feet  high, 
finished  1697,  stands  on  a  hill  near  his  birthplace.  The  San 
Carlos  was  also  one  of  the  ships  which  composed  the  extensive 
expeditions  by  sea  and  land  for  the  occupation  of  the  Bay  of 
Monterey  and  the  founding  there  of  new  conversions;  and 
Carlos  III.  was  then  King  of  Spain.  The  expeditions  came 
together  about  the  last  of  May  or  first  of  June,  and  on  the  3d 
of  the  latter  month,  when  the  people  assembled  in  an  enramada, 
a  shelter  made  of  boughs,  Captain  Gaspar  de  Portola  took 
formal  possession  in  the  name  of  his  sovereign,  while  Padre 
Junipero  Serra  planted  the  cross  and  sprinkled  holy  water  to 
rout  the  devil  and  all  his  imps.  Thus  were  started  both  the 
mission  and  presidio  of  Monterey.  On  May  21,  1771,  there 
came  on  the  ship  San  Antonio  ten  padres  for  service  in  five 
other  missions  it  was  proposed  to  establish  soon.  But  the 
original  site  of  San  Carlos  did  not  suit  Padre  Serra,  who  wished 
to  transfer  the  mission  about  one  league  to  Rio  Carmelo,  so 
named  from  the  Carmelite  friars.  Permission  to  this  effect 
seems  to  have  been  given  by  the  Viceroy  Croix  Nov.  12,  1770, 
and  the  transfer  was  soon  effected.  The  exact  date  is  in  ques- 
tion; some  say  Dec,  1770;  some,  late  in  1771;  others,  1772. 
Be  this  as  it  may,  the  new  mission  of  San  Carlos  Borromeo  del 


THE  TULARES   NOTED.  J51 

Not  having  been  able  to  effect  this  purpose  (lograr), 
because  the  Jamajab  Indians  who  were  accompany- 
ing me  refused,  I  determined  to  ascend  to  San  Luis 
by  the  royal  road  (camino  real — regular  highway),  in 
order  to  depart  thence  to  the  east,  and  explore  the 
Tulares28  that  I  was  already  informed  there  were  in 

Carmelo  de  Monterey  was  firmly  established  on  its  permanent 
site,  where  it  continued  to  flourish  till  the  secularization  of 
missions  by  order  of  Aug.  9,  1834. 

** "  It  is  recorded  that  some  time  during  1773  Comandante 
Fages,  while  out  in  search  of  deserters,  crossed  the  Sierra  east- 
ward and  saw  an  immense  plain  covered  with  tulares  and  a 
great  lake,  .  .  .  This  may  be  regarded  as  the  discovery  of 
the  Tulare  Valley,"  Bancroft,  Hist.  Cala.,  i,  p.  197.  A  tular 
was  any  marshy  place  in  which  grew  tule,  the  common  bulrush 
of  California,  either  Scirpus  calif ornicus  or  .9.  tatara;  and  Tulares 
became  the  name  of  the  whole  basin  of  which  Tulare  lake  is 
the  sink:  see  "Tulares"  lettered  on  Font's  map  of  1777,  where 
the  whole  valley  is  delineated,  probably  for  the  first  time.  But 
if  Fages  first  saw  the  Tulares  in  1773,  our  indefatigable  Garces 
in  1776  is  the  original  explorer  of  that  region,  thus  adding  fresh 
laurels  to  those  won  by  the  first  white  man  who  ever  went  from 
Yuma  to  Mojave  by  land,  and  thence  to  San  Gabriel,  discover- 
ing and  traversing  the  whole  of  the  Mojave  river.  In  1806 
Arrillaga  desired  this  whole  interior  region — a  great  refuge  for 
deserters  from  the  army  and  apostates  from  the  missions — to 
be  explored,  and  by  order  of  July  10  an  expedition  started  from 
Santa  Barbara  July  19.  The  record  of  this  entrada,  made  by 
Padre  Zalvidea,  is  extant,  and  is  extracted  in  brief  by  Bancroft, 
Hist.  Cal.,  ii,  pp.  48-50,  with  map,  p.  49,  tracing  the  route.  On 
this  is  lettered  Laguna  Grande  de  los  Tulares;  and  Garces'  own 
route  of  1776  is  also  dotted.     This  will  be  found  more  helpful 


252  RIVERA    Y    MONCADA. 

that  direction,  and  to  return  by  the  same  to  the 
Jamajabs.  To  this  end  I  asked  the  corporal  (cabo) 
who  was  on  duty  at  San  Gabriel  for  an  escort  and 
some  rations,  which  he  refused  me.  I  then  had  re- 
course to  Sefior  Comandante  Rivera,30  who  at  the 

than  the  very  poor  indication  of  Garces'  route  on  Font's  map; 
the  latter  is  practically  useless.  There  was  another  exploration 
of  Tulare  valley  in  1806  under  Ensign  Moraga,  whose  route 
is  also  dotted  on  the  same  map;  and  Padre  Pedro  Munoz'  diary 
of  this  tour  is  fully  abstracted  by  Bancroft,  /.  c,  pp.  52,  53,  under 
the  title:  Diario  de  la  Expedicion  hecha  por  Don  Gabriel 
Moraga,  Alferez  de  la  Compania  de  San  Francisco,  a  los 
Nuevos  Descubrimientos  del  Tular,  1806.  Garces'  route  we  are 
about  to  follow  is  also  digested  by  Bancroft,  Cal.,  i,  pp.  275-77, 
with  which  the  following  account  may  be  compared.  The 
Tulare  region  he  explored  lies  in  present  Kern  and  Tulare 
counties. 

80  Don  Fernando  Xavier  Rivera  y  Moncada,  then  command- 
ing in  California  Alta.  We  have  already  noted  in  Font's  Jour- 
nal his  arrival  at  San  Gabriel  Jan.  2,  1776,  on  his  way  from 
Monterey  to  San  Diego  to  reinforce  the  presidio  and  punish 
the  Dieguehos  for  destroying  the  mission,  and  now  we  have 
his  return  to  San  Gabriel.  Rivera  and  Anza  had  joined  forces 
in  the  San  Diego  affair,  but  do  not  seem  to  have  got  along  well 
together.  Rivera  was  certainly  a  difficult  man  for  anyone  to 
deal  with;  some  of  his  associates  appear  to  have  doubted  that 
he  was  in  his  right  mind.  We  here  see  how  he  treated  Garces, 
and  what  a  singular  order  he  issued  for  the  treatment  of  any 
Indians  who  should  come  to  the  California  establishments  from 
the  Colorado  river.  He  seems  to  have  been  "  rattled  "  by  the 
San  Diego  affair;  indeed,  in  relation  to  the  very  order  of  which 
Garces  goes  on  to  complain,  the  scholiast  of  the  MS.  notes  in 
the  margin  that  this  was  what  made  Rivera  so  timid  (produjo 


THE    COMMANDING   OFFICES    IS    HUFFY.  -'5.; 

time  (en  la  actualidad)  was  in  San  Diego,  and  in  the 
same  manner  did  he  absolutely  deny  me  all  that  which 
I  requested.  A  few  days  after  I  received  his  reply 
His  Worship  (sit  Merced)  arrived  at  San  Gabriel;  I  i 
whom  I  represented  that  there  could  be  no  such  im- 
possibility as  he  had  written  me,  considering  that 
here  there  were  many  animals  belonging  to  the  expe- 
dition; that  the  padres  would  furnish  provisions  on 
his  order;  that  as  His  Worship  was  going  on  to  Monte- 
rey I  could  go  in  his  company  as  far  as  the  end  of  the 
Canal  (hasta  salir  de  la  Canal),  to  which  point  was  the 
escort  necessary,  we  then  separating  to  proceed  on 
our  respective  routes.  Seeing  the  truthfulness 
(verosimil)  and  feasibility  (facil)  of  this  proposal,  he 
no  longer  alleged  impossibility,  as  he  had  done  in 
writing;  but  simply  said  that  he  had  no  orders  from 
His  Excellency,  and  for  that  reason  could  furnish  me 
with  nothing;  only  he  did  let  me  have  a  horse  belong- 
ing to  the  expedition. 

este  timido  motivo  en  Rivera),  and  sums  his  character  in  the  fol- 
lowing terms:  "  Rivera  era  vn  Payo  juicioso,  pero  corto  de 
entendimiento  y  practica  en  otras  cosas  finas.  pero  conocia  el 
caracter  de  los  Indios  del  suelo  " — he  was  a  judicious  churl,  but 
lacked  insight  and  experience  in  delicate  matters,  though  he 
knew  the  character  of  the  natives.  As  the  reader  of  the  biog 
raphy  of  Garces,  antea,  will  remember,  Rivera  was  killed  in  hifl 
camp  at  the  mouth  of  the  Gila  on  the  first  day  of  the  Yum.i 
massacre,  July   17,   1781. 


254  HE   IS   ALSO   OBSTINATE. 

These  circumstances  persuade  me  that  the  senor 
comandante  has  taken  it  much  amiss  that  I  came  into 
these  parts,  inasmuch  as  in  his  reply  to  the  (letter 
I  wrote  him)  on  my  arrival  he  states  to  me  that  not  in 
the  very  least  (ni  tantito)  does  it  please  him  that  the 
Indians  of  the  Rio  Colorado  should  come  to  the 
establishments  of  Monte-Rey.  In  fact,  a  little  while 
before  I  arrived  at  San  Gabriel  there  had  been  here 
some  Jamajab  Indians  for  their  commerce  in  shells — 
those  whom  I  met  on  their  return  to  their  land,  as 
I  say  above  [Mar.  17];  and  information  of  this  hav- 
ing reached  the  senor  comandante,  he  ordered  in 
writing  the  corporal  who  is  in  the  mission  that  he 
should  seize  those  Jamajab  Indians,  and  take  them  as 
prisoners  on  the  way  to  their  land  till  they  should  be 
left  afar  from  here.  This  order  was  not  carried  into 
execution  because  the  Indians  had  already  taken  their 
departure  when  it  arrived.  I  do  not  doubt  that  the 
senor  comandante  would  remain  unshaken  in  his 
resolution  (pensaria  solidamente  para  esta  determina- 
tion), in  consequence  of  the  opinion  he  has  formed 
that  communication  and  trade  between  the  nations 
of  the  Rio  Colorado  and  those  of  the  coast  is  perni- 
cious; but,  by  his  leave,  I  say  that  this  appears  to  me 
so  far  from  being  pernicious  that  rather  do  I  consider 
it  necessary,  in  order  to  carry  out  with  security  the 
project   of   opening   communication    between    these 


f\ 


HE   IS   TAKEN    TO   TASK    BY    GARCES.  255 

provinces  and  those  establishments.31  It  is  the  com- 
mon policy  in  every  nation,  to  refuse  right  of  way 
(negar  el  paso)  to  all  those  whom  they  know  to  be 
going  to  favor  their  enemies;  so,  if  the  nations  of  the 
river  and  those  of  the  coast  are  at  war,  how  then 
will  the  Espanoles  get  to  those  missions,  the  transit 
being  necessary  through  the  former?  Furthermore: 
the  king  our  lord  commands  that  all  the  gentiles 
who  arrive  at  the  presidios  be  admitted  with  demon- 
strations of  kindness  and  benevolence;  then  how  can 
an  order  be  given  to  arrest  them,  without  contraven- 
ing the  mandate  of  his  majesty?  International  law 
(el  derecho  dc  las  gcntes)  allows  the  commerce  of  na- 
tions with  one  another;  how  then  can  be  prevented 
the  legitimate  and  most  ancient  commerce  of  the 
nations  of  the  river  with  those  of  the  sea,  which  con- 
sists of  certain  white  shells?  If  we  go  to  preach  to 
the  gentiles  the  law  of  love  (una  ley  que  toda  es  cari- 

"  Garces  is  writing  this  at  Tubutama  in  Sonora.  next  year 
after  the  date  of  the  events  narrated;  hence  "these"  provinces 
(Provincias  Internas)  and  "those"  establishments  of  California. 
His  scholiast  notes  in  the  margin  that  the  padre  reasoned  well 
at  the  time,  but  that  the  rebellion  and  outrages  of  Palma  and 
his  Yumas  (1781),  in  which  the  padre  lost  his  life,  would  seem 
to  have  justified  Rivera's  fears  of  what  might  happen  if  the 
Indians  of  the  Colorado  and  of  the  coast  should  join  forces,  as 
he  believed  they  already  had  done;  hence  his  anxiety  to  keep 
them  apart. 


256  THE   ARGUMENT    CONTINUES. 

dad),  how  can  be  approved  anything  that  sows  dis- 
cord? Some  of  the  nations  who  are  nearest  to  the 
new  establishments  are  most  justly  irritated  with  the 
Spanish  soldiers  at  the  outrages  they  have  suffered, 
especially  from  deserters;  soon,  if  these  same  motives 
be  given  to  the  remote  nations,  they  may  unite  with 
one  another,  then  will  the  new  establishments  be  un- 
able to  subsist,  and  still  less  can  others  be  founded; 
remaining  thus  defeated  the  Catholic  wishes  of  our 
monarch.  Wherefore  can  I  not  assent  to  the  dictum 
of  the  seiior  comandante;  rather  do  I  well  persuade 
myself  that  it  would  have  been  both  just  and  useful 
for  him  to  have  ordered  those  Jamajab  Indians  to  be 
received  and  treated  kindly,  in  order  that  they  should 
carry  this  good  news  to  their  land,  to  the  end  that  the 
good  conduct  of  the  Espaiioles  should  become  known 
to  the  Gentiles.  They  were  entertained  by  the  offi- 
ciating padres,  the  soldiers,  and  the  neophytes; 
whereupon  they  went  back  contented,  and  speaking 
well  of  them  (their  hosts),  as  I  found  by  the  informa- 
tion (they  gave  me)  on  the  road;  which  would  not 
have  been  the  case  but  quite  the  reverse  (antes 
bien  todo  lo  contrario),  if  the  arrest  ordered  to 
be  made  had  been  carried  into  effect;  and  even 
would  they  have  complained  to  their  friends 
the  Yumas,  through  which  nation  had  the 
Seiior    Teniente    Coronel    Don    Juan     Bautista    de 


DEFERRED  NOTE  ON  SANTA  CLAKA.      jz,j 

Ansa  to  pass  on  his  return,  who  perhaps  in  conse- 
quence might  not  have  been  received  by  them  in  the 
same  manner  as  theretofore.  Already  have  I  said 
above  that  the  prompt  tranquilization  of  San  Diego 
resulted  from  this:  that  the  Quemaya  having  come 
with  the  information,32  found  friends  of  the  Spaniards 
in  all  the  nations  of  the  river,  and  witnessed  at  the 
same  time  the  affability  and  good  treatment  that  they 
were  experiencing  from  the  senor  comandante  of  the 
expedition.     Such  is  my  opinion. 

With  regard  to  provisions,  that  which  the  Senor 
Comandante  Rivera  did  not  do  was  then  made  up  for 
by  the  kindness  of  my  brothers  the  padres,  who  also 
outfitted  (regalaron)  my  companions;  and  with  these 
I  proceeded  to  carry  out  my  designs,  but  not  by  way 
of  the  Canal,  the  padres  having  assured  me  that  there 
was  much  risk  in  going  that  way.  I  was  in  this  mis- 
sion until  the  8th  of  April  (inclusive). 

M  See  back,  p.  206,  where  the  Comeya  brings  to  Yuma  the 
report  of  the  destruction  of  San  Diego. 


'  This  Santa  Clara  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  mission  of  the 
same  name  which  was  founded  in  Jan.,  1777,  and  long  afterward 
gave  name  to  Santa  Clara  count)',  etc.;  the  reference  is  to  the 
Santa  Clara  river  or  valley,  greatly  further  south  than  the  said 
county,  falling  into  the  Santa  Barbara  channel  near  San  Buena- 
ventura. As  early  as  1772  or  1773  it  had  been  proposed  to  found 
a  mission  on  the  river,  or  in  this  valW,  but  the  project  was 
never   carried    into   effect.     This   double   employ    of   the    name 


258  DEFERRED    NOTES. 

should  be  borne  in  mind  to  prevent  misunderstanding.  The 
four  Mojaves  whom  Garces  met  were  evidently  returning  from 
this  Santa  Clara  river  or  region,  which  is  not  far  north  of  San 
Gabriel  mission,  whither  he  was  going.  But  the  woman  in  the 
two  cases  appears  to  be  identical.  She  was  born  of  a  noble 
family  of  Assisi,  Italy,  in  1193,  died  in  1253,  was  canonized  1255. 
and  has  her  day  on  Aug.  12.  She  is  described  as  a  frivolous 
fashionable  girl,  who  at  the  early  age  of  17  was  so  much  affected 
by  the  preaching  of  St.  Francis  that  she  became  a  religious, 
retired  to  the  convent  of  Porciuncula,  and  finally  became 
famous  for  her  piety  and  austerity.  In  1212  she  founded  the 
religious  sorosis  called  in  French  l'Ordre  de  Sainte-Claire  or 
Les  Clarisses — a  name  which  reminds  us  of  Clarissa  Harlowe. 
the  virtuous  heroine  of  Samuel  Richardson's  novel  of  1748. 
See  beyond,  date  of  Apr.   13,  p.  267. 

10  Marl  springs  is  the  principal  watering  place  between  the 
Rock  springs  or  Government  holes  already  said  and  the  Sink 
of  the  Mojave  river  to  which  we  presently  come;  but  Garces' 
mileages  of  the  7th,  8th,  and  9th  are  not  so  adjustable  that  we 
can  confidently  identify  his  Pozos  de  San  Juan  de  Dios  with 
Marl  springs,  though  his  total  leaguage  from  Cedar  springs  to 
the  Sink  is  near  enough.  Also,  the  trail  we  have  followed  thus 
far  joins  the  main  road  at  Marl  springs,  and  if  he  was  not  there 
on  the  8th  there  is  no  named  place  that  I  know  of  where  he 
could  have  found  abundant  water  and  grass.  When  I  left  Gov- 
ernment holes  I  nooned  at  Marl  springs,  Nov.  1,  went  15  miles 
further  to  a  dry  camp,  and  made  the  sink  in  20  miles  next  day. 

25  More  fully  San  Gabriel  Arcangel,  a  notable  character  in  old 
Jewish  and  new  Christian  mythology,  also  utilized  in  the  Ko- 
ran as  a  medium  of  revelation  to  Mohammed:  see  Dan.  viii, 
16;  ix,  21;  Luke  i,  19,  26,  where  the  archangel  is  supposed  to 
interpret  Daniel's  dreams,  and  announce  the  birth  of  John  the 
Baptist  and  Jesus.     The  name  is  Hebrew,  translated  "  God  is 


FONT    ON    SAN    GABRIEL    MISSION'.  2 5  ) 

my  strong  one."  This  mission  was  the  fourth  of  the  California 
series,  founded  Sept.  8,  1771.  and  still  in  evidence  in  the  en- 
virons of  Los  Angeles,  which  latter  city  was  originally  estab- 
lished as  a  pueblo  Sept.  4,  178L  It  had  been  intended  at  first 
to  set  the  mission  on  Rio  de  Santa  Ana,  which  at  one  time  was 
known  as  Rio  Jesus  de  los  Temblores,  or  Jesus  of  the  Earth- 
quakes river;  whence  the  mission  was  sometimes  called  San 
Gabriel  de  los  Temblores,  though  its  actual  site  was  near  the 
later  San  Gabriel  river,  which  had  been  called  Rio  dc  San 
Miguel  in  1768,  and  of  which  the  principal  branch  is  Los  An- 
geles river,  originally  called  more  extensively  Rio  de  Nuestra 
Sefiora  de  los  Angeles  de  Porciuncula,  sometimes  also  Rio  Por- 
ciuncula. The  people  who  were  to  start  the  new  mission  were 
drawn  from  San  Diego  in  August,  1771.  and  the  first  ministers 
were  Padres  Somera  and  Cambon.  There  was  almost  imme- 
diately a  fracas  with  the  natives,  on  account  of  the  outraging  of 
Indian  women  by  Spanish  soldiers,  and  some  blood  was  shed; 
re-enforcements  were  at  once  brought  by  Governor  Fages,  and 
two  new  padres  replaced  the  former  ones.  Who  these  were  on 
the  arrival  of  Font  on  Jan.  4  and  of  Garces  on  Mar.  24,  1776. 
together  with  some  account  of  the  mission  at  this  date,  is  given 
in  the  following  extract  from  Font's  Diary: 

"  Jan.  4,  Thursday.  The  mission  of  San  Gabriel  is  situated 
about  eight  leagues  distant  from  the  sea,  in  a  place  of  most  beau- 
tiful proportions,  with  enough  water  and  very  good  grounds. 
The  site  is  level  and  unobstructed  {despejado),  about  two  leagues 
from  the  Sierra  Nevada,  which  bounds  it  on  the  north,  and 
from  which  at  the  Puerto  de  San  Carlos  we  came,  having  it  on 
the  right;  it  seems  that  here  it  ceases  to  be  snowy,  but  it  does 
not  end,  for  it  is  the  [San  Bernardino  and  San  Gabriel  ranges  of 
the]  same  Sierra  Madre  de  California,  which  continues  on  very 
far  into  the  country,  and  to  all  appearances  is  the  same  continu- 
ous sierra  which  Padre  Garces  passed  on  this  journey  and 
named  Sierra  de  San  Marcos  [for  which  see  beyond,  at  date  of 
Apr.  25,  p.  271].     On  leaving  camp  [this  morning  at  the  Arroyo 


260  FONT   ON    SAN    GABRIEL    MISSION. 

de  San  Gabriel]  we  went  by  a  bed  of  swollen  river  [overflow 
channel  of  the  river — caxa  de  rio  crecido]  which  was  without 
water,  and  has  enough  small  woods,  and  it  is  the  river  which 
runs  to  the  old  site  of  the  mission,  where  it  has  always  sufficient 
water.  In  this  mission  we  found  the  sehor  capitan  comandante 
de  Monterey  Don  Fernando  de  Ribera  y  Moncada  [commonly 
Rivera  y  Moncarda],  who,  on  account  of  the  insurrection  of  the 
Indians  of  the  mission  of  San  Diego,  which  they  destroyed  and 
killed  its  minister,  Padre  Fray  Luis  Jaume,  had  come  on  his 
way  to  that  presidio  from  Monterey  and  arrived  at  this  mission 
[San  Gabriel]  on  the  night  of  the  2d.  A  little  before  our  arrival 
there  came  out  on  the  road  to  receive  us  the  senor  comandante 
Rivera,  and  the  padre  ministro  of  the  mission  Fray  Antonio 
Paterna;  and  our  arrival  was  (a  matter)  of  much  joy  to  all,  the 
guard  of  the  mission  receiving  us  with  a  salute,  and  the  other 
two  padres  who  were  here,  Padre  Fray  Antonio  Cruzado  and 
Padre  Fray  Miguel  Sanchez,  with  many  peals  of  bells  and  with 
especial  demonstrations  of  content. 

"Jan.  5.  We  remained  to  rest;  and  the  sehores  comandantes 
talked  over  the  business  of  the  rebellion  of  the  Indians  of  San 
Diego.  After  breakfast  I  went  with  Padre  Sanchez  to  see  the 
spring  of  water  whence  they  bring  the  acequia  for  this  mission 
of  San  Gabriel,  by  means  of  which  are  conferred  the  greatest 
conveniences;  for,  besides  being  sufficient,  and  passing 
in  front  of  the  house  of  the  padres,  and  of  the  little  huts 
(jacalitos)  of  the  Christian  Indians  who  compose  this  new  mis- 
sion, who  will  be  some  50  souls  of  recent  converts,  big  and 
little,  this  acequia  renders  all  the  flats  of  the  immediate 
site  apt  for  sowing,  so  that  the  fields  are  close  to  the  pueblo; 
and  it  is  a  mission  which  has  such  good  adaptabilities  (propor- 
tions) to  crops,  and  is  of  such  good  pastures  for  cattle  and 
horses,  that  no  better  could  be  desired.  The  cows  that  it  has 
are  very  fat,  and  give  much  rich  milk,  with  which  they  make 
many  cheeses  and  very  good  butter;  there  is  a  litter  of  pigs 
and  a  small  flock  of  sheep,  of  which  on  our  coming  they  killed 


FONT   ON    SAN    GABRIEL   MISSION.  26] 

three  or  four  muttons  that  they  had,  whose  meat  was  particu- 
larly good,  and  I  do  not  remind  myself  of  having  eaten  mutton 
more  fat  and  beautiful;  and  they  have  also  some  chickens.  It 
has  enough  wood  of  oak  (madera  de  enzinos)  and  other  logs 
(pahs)  for  building,  and  consequently  much  fuel  (leha) ;  only 
is  wanting  lime,  which  has  not  been  found  hitherto,  though 
perhaps  by  searching  well  it  may  be  found,  to  improve  the 
buildings,  which  at  present  are  some  of  adobe,  and  the  most  of 
wattles  and  tule,  for  which  reason  they  are  very  risky  and  ex- 
posed to  fire.  At  present  the  whole  building  is  reduced  to  one 
very  large  hovel  (jacalon),  all  in  one  piece  with  three  divisions, 
and  this  serves  as  the  habitation  of  the  padres,  granary  (store- 
house— troxe,  for  troje),  and  every  thing  else;  somewhat  apart 
from  this  there  is  another  square  hovel  (jacal)  which  serves  as 
a  church;  and  near  this  another,  which  is  the  guardhouse,  as 
they  call  it,  or  quarters  of  the  soldiers  of  the  escort,  who 
live  in  it,  who  are  eight;  and  close  by  some  little  huts  (jacalitoj 
of  tule  which  are  the  little  houses  (casitas)  of  the  Indians,  be- 
tween the  which  and  the  house  of  the  padres  runs  the  acequia. 
In  the  spring  of  water  grows  naturally  apio,  and  other 
herbs  which  appear  to  be  lettuces  (lechuguitas)  and  some  roots 
like  parsnips;  and  there  are  thereabouts  many  coleworts 
(nabcs)  which  from  a  little  seed  that  was  sown  now  cover  the 
ground;  and  near  the  old  site  of  the  mission,  which  is  distant 
from  this  new  one  about  a  league  southward,  grows  great 
abundance  of  water-cresses  (berros)  of  which  I  ate  enough;  and 
finally  is  the  land,  as  Padre  Paterna  says,  like  the  Land  of 
Promise;  though  indeed  the  padres  have  suffered  in  it  many 
needinesses  and  travails,  because  beginnings  are  always  difficult, 
and  more  so  in  those  lands  where  there  was  nothing,  and  they 
would  suffer  the  inconvenience  of  lacking  supplies  for  two  years. 
The  converted  Indians  of  this  mission,  who  are  of  the  Benenre 
nation,  and  also  Jeneguechi  (sic),  seem  tame,  and  of  middling 
good  heart;  they  are  of  medium  stature,  and  the  women  some- 
what   smaller;    round-faced    (cariredondos).    flat-nosed    (chatos). 


262  FONT   ON    SAN    GABRIEL    MISSION. 

and  rather  ugly;  their  custom  in  gentiledom  is  for  the  men  to 
go  entirely  naked,  and  the  women  wear  some  sort  of  deer  skin 
with  which  they  cover  themselves,  and  also  some  small  coat 
(cobija)  of  skins  of  otter  or  of  hare;  though  the  padres  try  to 
make  the  converts  dress  as  well  as  they  can.  The  method  which 
the  padres  observe  in  the  reduction  is  not  to  force  anybody  to 
make  himself  christian,  and  they  only  admit  those  who  volun- 
tarily offer  themselves,  and  this  they  do  in  this  fashion:  As 
these  Indians  are  accustomed  to  live  in  the  plains  and  hills  like 
beasts,  so  if  they  wish  to  be  christians  they  must  not  take  to 
the  woods  (no  se  luin  de  ir  al  monte),  but  they  must  live  in 
the  mission,  and  if  they  leave  the  rancheria  (for  thus  they 
call  the  huts  and  dwelling  place  of  the  Indians)  they  will  be 
gone  in  search  of,  and  be  punished.  Whereupon  they  (the 
padres)  begin  to  catechize  the  gentiles  who  voluntarily  come, 
showing  them  how  to  make  the  sign  of  the  cross  and  the  rest 
that  is  necessary,  and  if  they  (the  Indians)  persevere  in  the 
catechism  for  two  or  three  months  with  the  same  mind,  being 
instructed  therein  they  pass  on  to  baptism.  The  discipline  of 
every  day  is  this:  in  the  morning  at  sunrise  mass  is  said  regu- 
larly, and  in  this,  or  without  it  if  it  is  not  said,  all  the  Indians 
join  together,  and  the  padre  recites  with  all  the  christian  doc- 
trine, which  is  finished  by  singing  the  Alabado,  which  is  sung  in 
all  the  missions  in  one  way  and  in  the  same  tone,  and  the  padres 
sing  it  even  though  they  may  not  have  good  voices,  inasmuch 
as  uniformity  is  best.  Then  they  go  to  breakfast  on  the  mush 
(atole)  which  is  made  for  all,  and  before  partaking  of  it  they 
cross  themselves  and  sing  the  Bendito;  then  they  go  to  work  at 
whatever  can  be  done,  the  padres  inclining  them  and  applying 
them  to  the  work  by  setting  an  example  themselves;  at  noon 
they  eat  their  soup  (pozole),  which  is  made  for  all  alike  (de 
comunidad) ;  then  they  work  another  stint;  and  at  sunset  they 
return  to  recite  doctrine  and  end  by  singing  the  Alabado.  The 
christians  are  distinguished  from  the  gentiles  in  that  they 
manage  to  go  clothed  after  a  fashion  (tal  qual  vestidos),  or  cov- 
ered as  well  as  the  indigence  of  these  lands  will  permit;  and  no 


FONT   ON    SAN    GABRIEL    MISSION.  263 

account  is  kept  with  the  catechumens  of  the  soup,  unless 
some  of  what  is  left  over  is  given  to  them.  If  any  Indian  wishes 
to  go  to  the  woods  to  see  his  relatives,  or  to  gather  acorns,  he  i-> 
given  permission  for  a  specified  number  of  days  (f>or  dias  SfOa- 
lados),  and  regularly  they  do  not  fail  to  return,  and  sometimes 
they  come  with  a  gentile  relative  who  stays  to  catechism,  either 
through  the  example  of  the  others,  or  attracted  by  the  soup, 
which  suits  them  better  than  their  herbs  and  eatables  of  the 
woods,  and  thus  these  Indians  are  wont  to  be  gathered  in  by  the 
mouth  [as  we  say,  "  the  way  to  a  man's  heart  is  through  his 
stomach"].  The  doctrine  which  is  recited  in  all  the  missions 
is  the  brief  of  Padre  Castani,  with  total  uniformity,  without 
any  padre  being  able  to  vary  it  by  a  word  or  add  a  single  thing; 
and  this  is  recited  in  Castillian,  even  though  the  padre  may 
understand  the  (Indian)  language,  as  is  the  case  in  the  mission 
of  San  Antonio,  whose  minister,  Padre  Fray  Buenaventura 
Sitjar,  understands  and  speaks  well  the  language  of  the  Indians 
of  that  mission,  and  with  all  is  recited  the  doctrine  in  Castillian, 
and  as  the  padre  translated  (saco)  the  doctrine  in  the  ver- 
nacular, the  most  that  is  done  is  to  recite  daily  once  in  that, 
and  again  in  Castillian;  conforming  thereby  with  that  which  has 
been  so  many  times  ordered  since  the  first  Mexican  Council, 
and  treated  so  well  by  Serior  Solorrano,  that  the  Indian  be 
taught  doctrine  in  Castillian,  and  be  made  to  speak  in  Castillian, 
inasmuch  as  all  the  languages  of  the  Indians  are  barbarous,  and 
very  lacking  in  terms  (muy  faltas  de  terminos).  In  the  missions 
it  is  arranged  that  the  grown-up  girls  (muchachas  grandes 
doncellas)  sleep  apart  in  some  place  of  retirement  (recogimicnto) . 
and  in  the  mission  of  San  Luis  (Obispo)  I  saw  that  a  married 
soldier  acted  as  mayordomo  of  the  mission,  so  that  the  padre 
had  some  assistance,  and  his  wife  took  care  of  the  girls,  under 
whose  charge  they  were,  and  whom  they  called  the  matron  (la 
maestro),  and  she  by  day  kept  them  with  her,  teaching  them  to 
sew,  and  other  things,  and  at  night  locked  them  up  in  a  room, 
where  she  kept  them  safe  from  every  insult,  and  for  this  were 
they  called  the  nuns;  the  which  seemed  to  me  a  very  good  thing. 


264  FONT    ON    SAN    GABRIEL    MISSION. 

Finally,  the  method  which  the  padres  observe  in  these  new  mis- 
sions seemed  to  me  very  good,  and  I  note  that  the  same  which 
is  done  in  one,  is  done  in  the  rest,  and  this  is  what  suited  me 
best;  excepting  the  mission  of  San  Diego,  in  which,  it  being 
the  poorest,  and  the  soil  not  permitting  through  the  little  suit- 
ability that  it  has,  there  are  no  fields  in  common,  nor  any 
private  ones,  nor  is  given  soup  to  all,  and  the  Indians  are 
allowed  to  live  on  their  rancherias,  under  obligation  to  come 
to  mass  on  Sundays,  as  is  done  in  California  Baxa;  and  this  is 
the  reason  why  this  mission  is  so  backward,  besides  that  its 
Indians  are  the  worst  of  these  new  missions." 

The  foregoing  is  no  doubt  the  best  description  extant  of  San 
Gabriel  as  it  was  in  1776,  just  before  Garces'  visit.  It  is  also 
the  clearest  indication  I  have  found  of  the  relative  positions  of 
the  first  temporary  and  second  definitive  sites;  the  former  of 
which,  however,  was  such  a  mere  beginning  that  San  Gabriel 
may  be  said  to  have  always  been  in  the  other  position.  Font 
also  gives  us  a  very  clear  insight  into  the  working  of  these 
missions  in  early  days.  Fancy  a  pack  of  stolid  squalid  root- 
diggers  put  through  such  a  "  demnition  grind"  of  theology! 
But  it  can  be  said  in  favor  of  the  system  that  they  were  fed, 
and  allowed  to  sing;  that  the  girls  were  locked  up  at  night; 
and  that  all  were  taught  to  talk  Spanish  while  they  were  being 
made  to  "  walk  Spanish." 

Mr.  Hodge  reminds  me  to  say  that  those  who  would  like  to 
hear  more  of  Padre  Sitjar  may  look  up  his  Vocabulary  of  the 
Language  of  San  Antonio  Mission,  California.  By  Father 
Bonaventure  Sitjar,  of  the  Order  of  St.  Francis.  Printed  under 
the  auspices  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution.  New  York:  Cra- 
moisy  Press.  1861.  (Shea's  Library  of  American  Linguistics, 
vii.)  The  author  was  son  of  Antonio  Sitjar  and  Juana  Pastor, 
born  at  Perreras,  near  Palmas,  in  Majorca,  Dec.  9,  1739; 
founder  of  the  San  Antonio  mission,  July  14,  1771,  with  Juni- 
pero  Serra,  and  of  the  San  Miguel  mission,  July  25,  1797.  He 
died  at  San  Antonio,  Sept.  3,  1808,  and  was  buried  near  the  altar 
of  the  church. 


CHAPTER  VH. 

FROM  SAN  GABRIEL  THROUGH  THE    TULARES  TO   MO! 
APRIL  9-MAY,    I776. 

Apr.  p.  I  departed  from  this  mission  of  San 
Gabriel,  accompanied  by  two  Indians  of  the  mission 
and  by  my  former  companions.  Having  traveled  a 
league  and  a  half  northwest  and  westnorthwest  I 
arrived  at  a  rancheria  where  were  the  Indians  well 
content.  I  preached  to  them  by  means  of  an  Indian 
of  the  mission,  who  is  Castellano.1  Hence2  the  two 
from  San  Gabriel  returned. 

Apr.  10.  With  a  guide  whom  the  gentiles  gave  me 
I  departed,  and  having  gone  two  leagues  and  a  half 
northwest  arrived  at  another  rancheria  where  1 
nooned  (donde  hizc  media  did);  in  the  afternoon  I 
traveled  three  leagues  northnorthwest  with  some 
windings  in  other  directions,  holding  always  to  the 
skirt  of  the  Sierra  de  San  Gabriel  on  my  right/ 

1  That  is  to  say,  tlie  Indian  understood  Spanish,  and  could 
act  as  interpreter. 

'Not  on  account  of  the  good  father's  sermon,  let  us  hope; 
but  hence,  de  aqui,  from  this  place. 

'  San  Gabriel  range  is  still  the  name  of  the  mountains  Garcea 

265 


266  TRAVELING    TOWARD    THE    TULARES. 

Apr.  ii.  I  tarried  in  this  place  to  send  back  to  San 
Gabriel  for  a  small  book  that  I  had  left  there. 

Apr.  12.  I  went  two  leagues  and  a  half  northwest 
with  some  turns;  passed  a  cienega  and  two  arroyos, 
and  arrived  at  a  rancheria  where  the  young  women 
were  in  hiding  on  account  of  some  experiences  they 
had  on  the  passing  of  the  soldiers;  for,  though  this  is 
not  the  road,  yet  these  people  go  down  at  times  to  the 
sea,  and  then  have  they  seen  and  experienced  various 
abuses.  Since  I  departed  from  San  Gabriel  there  was 
on  my  left  another  sierra.4  I  observed  this  position 
and  found  it  in  340  13'.5 

is  cotoying  northwestward,  approximately  in  line  with  the  rail- 
road which  now  runs  into  Los  Angeles.  He  is  passing  this 
way  up  San  Fernando  valley,  and  his  progress  thus  far  sets 
him  somewhere  between  Sepulveda  and  the  mission  mentioned 
in  the  next  note  but  one. 

*  Portions  of  the  Coast  range  now  known  as  Santa  Monica 
and  Santa  Susanna  mts.  lie  in  the  direction  indicated. 

1  Observation  not  exact,  but  it  is  evident  from  the  distances 
and  courses  that  Garces  is  now  in  the  vicinity  of  the  mission 
of  San  Fernando,  which  was  founded  Sept.  8,  1797,  and  gave 
name  to  the  valley  in  which  it  was  situated.  This  was  the  17th 
in  order  of  time  of  the  Californian  missions,  and  the  4th  of  the 
five  founded  in  1797-98,  between  San  Buenaventura  and  San 
Gabriel;  it  was  started  in  Encina  valley  at  Reyes'  ranch,  a  spot 
known  to  the  natives  as  Achois  or  Achoic  Comihavit.  It  was 
under  Gobernador  Diego  de  Borica  that  Padre  Presidente  Fer- 
min  Fernando  Lasuen,  with  Padre  Francisco  Dumetz,  dedicated 
the  establishment  to  San  Fernando  Rey  de  Espaha.     This  saint 


VALLE    DE    SANTA    CLARA.  267 

Apr.  ij.  I  passed  over  a  sierra8  that  comes  off 
from  the  Sierra  Nevada  and  runs  to  the  westnorth- 
west,  and  entered  into  the  Valle  de  Santa  Clara,7  hav- 
ing gone  two  leagues  on  a  north  course;  in  the  after- 
noon, having  gone  a  league  and  a  half  northwest, 
I  arrived  at  the  Cienega  de  Santa  Clara.  One  of  the 
Jamajabs  having  been  taken  sick,  I  tarried  in  this 
place  until  the  23d  day;  during  which  time  I  visited 
various  rancherias  that  there  are  in  these  sierras,  as 
also  the  caxones  and  arroyos,  with  much  water  and 
most  abundant  grass,  and  from  whose  inhabitants  I 

was  Fernando  III.  of  Spain,  b.  about  1200,  d.  1252,  King  of  Cas- 
tile 1217,  and  King  of  Leon  1230,  thus  uniting  these  crowns; 
canonized  by  Clement  X.  in  1671,  and  calendared  for  May  30. 
He  was  son  of  Alfonso  IX.  of  Leon  and  Berengaria,  sister  of 
Henry  I.  of  Castile;  his  exploits  were  directed  against  the 
Moors,  from  whom  he  took  Ubeda  in  1234,  Cordova  in  1236, 
Jaen  in  1246,  and  Seville  in  1248;  he  also  caused  to  be  trans- 
lated and  codified  the  Forum  Judicum  or  Visigothic  laws.  At 
the  new  mission  besides  Dumetz  there  was  Padre  Francisco 
Xavier  Uria,  and  both  served  for  several  years,  with  very  fair 
luck  in  raising  neophytes,  stock,  and  crops. 

*  Making  the  pass  through  which  the  railroad  now  runs,  and 
reaching  the  vicinity  of  stations  Andrews,  Newhall,  etc.,  still 
in  Los  Angeles  county,  near  the  border  of  Ventura  county. 

7  Present  name  of  the  valley  through  which  flows  the  large 
river  of  the  same  name  from  Los  Angeles  county  through 
Ventura  county  to  the  sea  near  San  Buenaventura;  to  be  dis- 
tinguished from  any  application  of  the  name  in  the  much  further 
northward  Santa  Clara  county,  etc.,  though  the  saint  concerned 
is  the  same:  see  note  7,  p.  257. 


268  OVER   THE   LIBRA    MOUNTAINS. 

experienced  particular  meekness  and  affability.  I 
baptized  one  infirm  old  man,  the  father  of  the  chief  of 
these  rancherias,  having  instructed  him  by  means  of 
Sevastian,  though  with  difficulty.  There  came  other 
Indians  from  the  northnortheast  and  promised  to 
conduct  me  to  their  land,  as  also  they  did  with  five 
more  Jamajabs  who  arrived  these  days  to  trade. 

Apr.  23.  I  departed  west,  and  at  a  little  distance 
took  a  course  north,  on  which  I  surmounted  the  great 
sierra;  and  halted  at  a  cienega  that  is  on  the  descent, 
having  traveled  thus  far  nine  leagues.8 

Apr.  24.  I  went  half  a  league  northeast  and  found 
a  laguna,9  and  near  thereto  a  rancheria  where,  accord- 

*  This  is  a  long  lap,  chiefly  northward,  with  but  little  to  guide 
us  on  his  trail.  But  it  appears  probable,  as  well  as  I  can  gather 
from  the  scant  indications,  that  the  Santa  Clara  river  was 
crossed  at  or  near  Castac,  a  place  at  the  mouth  of  the  creek  of 
the  same  name;  up  which  creek  Garces  went  as  far  as  its  first 
fork,  there  taking  the  right-hand  branch,  to  be  found  on  modern 
maps  by  the  name  of  Canada  de  la  Laguna,  and  following  this 
up  over  the  Libra  mts.  There  is  no  question  that  this  range  is 
the  "great  sierra"  he  makes  to-day;  the  course  here  noted  is 
quite  right  for  Garces'  "  north,"  with  due  allowance  for  mag- 
netic variation  E. ;  and  the  laguna  he  finds  to-morrow,  half  a 
league  from  to-night's  camp,  may  not  impossibly  be  the  very 
one  which  gives  name  to  the  Canada  de  la  Laguna. 

*  This  laguna  is  queried  by  Bancroft,  Hist.  Cal.,  i,  p.  276,  as 
Elizabeth  lake,  which  it  would  be  if  Garces  went  on  the  usual 
road  from  Newhall,  up  San  Francisco  creek,  and  thus  by  the 
pass  of  the  same  name,  over  the  Libra  mts.     But  it  seems  to  me 


VARIOUS    INDIANS    NOTED.  260, 

ing  to  the  signs,  had  been  Senor  Capitan  Faxes. '* 
The  Indians  were  very  affable,  and  the  women  clean- 
lier and  neater  than  any  I  had  seen  before  of  this 
same  Beneme  nation.  In  the  evening  there  came 
two  Indians  from  the  north,  known  to  the  Jamajabs 
by  the  name  of  Cuabajay.11 

a  little  too  far  E.,  and  I  must  adhere  to  the  determination  made 
in  my  last  note. 

10  Or  Fages — Capt.  and  afterward  Lt.-Col.  Don  Pedro  Fages, 
governor,  etc.,  who  seems  to  have  been  the  first  to  approach 
the  Tulares  in  1773,  as  noted  on  p.  251. 

"I  cannot  trace  the  Cuabajay;  they  were,  however,  more  likely 
Shoshonean  (Paiutes)  than  Mariposan  (Yakuts).  Of  the  Inds. 
about  Tulare  valley  and  eastward.  Powers  (Tribes  of  Cala.. 
pp.  370-371)  says:  "So  severe  were  the  latter  [the  Paiute  attacks] 
that  the  Yokuts,  as  a  geographically  solid  body  of  allied  tribes, 
were  cut  in  two  in  one  place  and  nearly  in  another.  Their 
habitat  stretched  originally  from  the  Fresno  river  to  Fort  Tejon; 
but  the  Paiuti  tribes,  swarming  through  Ta-hi'-cha-pa,  Tejon. 
and  Walker's  passes,  seized  and  occupied  Kern  river,  White 
river,  Posa  creek,  and  Kern  lake,  thus  completely  severing  the 
Yokuts  nation,  and  leaving  an  isolated  fragment  of  it  at  Fort 
Tejon,  in  a  nook  of  the  mountains.  .  .  At  the  time  of  the 
American  advent,  therefore,  the  Yokuts  occupied  the  south  bank 
of  the  Fresno;  the  San  Joaquin,  from  Whisky  creek  down  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Fresno;  King's  river,  from  Mill  creek  down  to 
the  mouth;  the  Kaweah,  Tule  river,  and  Deer  creek:  the  west 
shore  of  Tulare  lake,  and  the  isolated  mountain  nook  at  Fort 
Tejon.  Their  tribal  distribution  was  as  follows:  On  the  San 
Joaquin,  from  Whisky  creek  down  to  Millerton,  are  the  Chuk'- 
chan-si;  farther  down,  the  Pit'-ka-chi,  now  extinct.  On  King's 
river,    going   down   stream,    are   the    following    bands,    in    their 


27O  VARIOUS   INDIANS    NOTED. 

Apr.  25.  I   completed  the  passage  of  the  sierra, 
crossed  a  valley,  and  came  upon  another  large  sierra 

order:  Tis-e'-chu,  Chai-nim'-ai-ri,  It-i-cha,  Wi'-chi-kik,  Ta'-chi, 
No-toan'-ai-ti,  the  latter  on  the  lake,  the  Tachi  at  Kingston. 
On  Dry  creek  are  the  Kas-so'-vo;  in  Squaw  valley  the  Chu- 
kai'-mi-na.  On  the  Kaweah  river,  beginning  in  the  mountains, 
are  the  Wik'-sach-i,  Wik-chum-si  (in  the  foot-hills),  Kau-i'-a 
[not  the  Shoshonean  Kauvuya]  (on  the  edge  at  the  plains), 
Yu'-kol  (on  the  plains),  Te'-lum-ni  (two  miles  below  Visalia), 
Chu'-nut  (at  the  lake).  On  Tule  river  are  the  O-ching'-i-ta  (at 
Painted  Rock),  Ai'-a-pai  (at  Soda  spring),  Mai-ai'-u  (on  South 
fork),  Sa-wakh'-tu  (on  the  main  river),  Kai-a-wet'-ni  (at  Porter- 
ville).  At  Fort  Tejon  are  the  Tin-lin-neh  (from  tin'-nilh,  '  a 
hole '  ),  so  called  on  account  of  some  singular  depressions  in  the 
earth  in  that  vicinity.  A  little  further  north,  near  Kern  lake,  are 
the  Po-hal'-lin-Tin'-leh  (squirrel  holes),  so  named  on  account  of 
the  great  number  of  ground-squirrels  [Spermophilus  beecheyi]  liv- 
ing in  that  place.  .  .  Every  [Yokuts]  village  consists  of  a 
single  row  of  wigwams,  conical  or  wedge-shaped,  generally 
made  of  tule,  and  just  enough  hollowed  out  within  so  that  the 
inmates  may  sleep  with  the  head  higher  than  the  feet,  all  in  per- 
fect alignment,  and  with  a  continuous  awning  of  brushwood 
stretching  along  in  front.  In  one  end-wigwam  lives  the  village 
captain;  in  the  other  the  shaman  or  si-se-ro  (Spanish  hechizero) ." 
These  houses  do  not  agree  with  Garces'  description.  But  see 
the  Shoshone  houses  following:  "  Among  these  [Paiute]  tribes 
[bordering  on  the  Yokuts]  are  the  Pal-li-ga-wo-nap'  (from 
pal-up',  '  stream,'  and  c-kc'-zvan,  '  large ')  on  Kern  river;  the 
Ti-pa-to-la'-pa  on  the  south  fork  of  the  Kern;  and  the  Wi-nan- 
gik'  on  the  north  fork.  Another  name  for  the  Tipatolapa  was 
the  Ku-chi-bich-i-wa-nap'  Pal-up'  (little  stream).  At  Bakers- 
field  was  a  tribe  called  by  the  Yokuts,  Pal'-e-um-ni.  In  the 
famous  Tahichapah  pass  was  a  tribe  called  by  themselves  Ta- 
hi-cha-pa-han'-na;  by  the  Kern  river  Indians,  Ta-hichp';  and  by 


SIERRA    DE    SAN     MARCOS.  _7  I 

which  makes  off  from  the  Sierra  Nevada  and  extends 
northeastward;  to  which  I  gave  the  name  of  (Sierra 
de)  San  Marcos.12  We  made  the  ascent  (hurimos 
alto)  near  an  arroyo,  having  traveled  thus  far  four 
leagues  north.  In  the  evening  1  went  a  league  in  the 
same    direction,    and    halted    in    the    cited    arroyo. 

the  Yokuts,  Ka-wi'-a-suh.  They  are  now  extinct.  The  Kern 
River  Indians  were  called  by  the  Yokuts  of  Fort  Tejon,  Pi-tan'- 
ni-suh;  and  the  Indians  of  Kern  lake,  Pal-wu'-nuh  (which  de- 
notes 'down  below')-  On  Kern  River  slough  are  the  Po-e'-lo; 
at  Kern  River  falls,  the  To-mo'-la;  on  Posa  creek,  the  Bc'-ku. 
On  White  river  there  are  no  Indians,  neither  have  there  been 
for  many  years,  owing  to  the  prevalence  of  malaria;  but  there 
are  indications  that  the  lands  along  this  stream  were  once  in- 
habited "  (p.  393).  [The  Palligawonap]  "  live  in  wigwams 
made  of  tule,  woven  and  matted  into  various  fashions.  Tule  is 
also  the  material  from  which  they  construct  a  rude  water-craft. 
This  is  only  about  six  feet  in  length,  with  the  bow  very  long 
and  sharp-rounded,  and  the  stern  cut  nearly  square  across  "  (p. 
394)--F.  W.  H. 

13  The  Tehachapai  or  Tehachepi  range  of  modern  nomencla- 
ture, given  off  in  the  direction  said  from  the  main  Sierra 
Nevada.  It  is  crossed  in  several  places,  the  best  known  of 
which  is  the  Tejon  pass,  in  which  was  situated  Fort  Tejon,  a 
military  post  which  was  flourishing  in  the  '50's.  The  San  Mar- 
cos or  Tehachapai  range  is  what  shuts  in  the  Tulare  valley  on 
the  southeast,  across  the  head  of  the  valley,  by  connecting  the 
main  Sierra  Nevada  on  the  west  with  the  mountains  which 
enclose  the  valley  on  the  east.  I  take  no  exception  to  Ban- 
croft's statement  that  Garces  "  entered  the  great  Tulare  valley 
by  way  of  Turner's  and  Tejon  passes,"  for  I  think  that  this  is 
most  probable;  yet  I  should  hesitate  to  so  affirm  without  a  sav- 
ing clause. 


2"J2  RANCHERIAS    OF    THE    CUABAJAY. 

There  are  on  this  sierra  large  pines,  oaks,  and  other 
trees. 

Apr.  26.  I  surmounted  the  Sierra  de  San  Marcos, 
having  traveled  two  leagues  and  a  half  north; 
thereupon  I  saw  large  sierras,  and  caxones  very- 
leafy  and  grassy,  and  in  three  leagues  and  a 
half  further,  on  courses  west  and  southwest,  I 
arrived  at  some  rancherias  of  the  Cuabajay  na- 
tion, wherein  they  received  me  well,  the  old 
women  regaling  me  with  many  seeds,  especially 
of  the   chia 13   with   which   those   grounds   abound. 

13  Chia  is  the  Spanish  name  of  the  lime-leaved  sage,  Salvia 
tilinfolia,  a  labiate  plant  of  the  mint  family.  In  Mexico,  Ari- 
zona, and  California  chia  is  applied  to  several  different  indige- 
nous species  of  the  same  genus,  especially  S.  columbarice,  the 
seeds  of  which  are  edible,  and  also  used  for  making  a  mucilagi- 
nous infusion  something  like  flaxseed  tea. 

On  the  general  subject  of  food  plants  in  the  Tulare  valley 
Mr.  Hodge  writes  me:  "  Chia  is  doubtless  the  chelis  of  the 
Yokuts  of  the  Tule  River  reservation.  It  is  the  shepherd's 
purse  (Capsella  bursa-pastoris,  a  well-known  cruciferous  plant) ; 
'  the  seed  highly  esteemed  for  pinole,  a  very  nutritious,  fari- 
naceous beverage  which  the  Indians  learned  from  the  Mexi- 
cans '  (Powers,  Tribes  of  Cala.,  p.  428).  The  la-chun  (Com- 
posite) is  used  for  the  same  purpose.  Tule  pollen,  ail-loh,  is 
also  used  for  making  pinole  or  mush;  this  is  derived  from 
Scirpus  califomicus  or  5".  tatara.  Hau'-pun  (Span,  fresnio)  is  a 
root  highly  esteemed  as  a  purgative  in  certain  internal  diseases. 
Al'-lit  is  a  "  kind  of  salt,"  principally  alum  in  a  crude  state, 
collected  by  these  Indians  as  a  seasoning  for  greens.  They 
go  in  the  morning,  when  the  dew  is  on,  to  a  low,  alkaline  piece 


RANCHERIA    DE    SAN    TASQUAL.  2J3 

This  I  named  the  Rancheria  de  San  Pasqual.  The 
disposition  and  form  of  their  dwelling-house  is  as 
follows:  A  spacious  square  inclosure,  completed  by 
an  archway  or  covering  of  mats  upon  bows  of  willow, 
the  mats  sewn  of  the  same  tule,  of  which  material  is 
the  roof  composed,  in  which  are  there  some  openings 
for  the  escape  of  smoke.14     It  has  only  two  doors,  on 

of  ground,  and  either  pull  up  the  grass  and  dissolve  the  salt 
off  from  the  water,  or  collect  it  by  sweeping  a  stick  through 
the  grass  and  washing  off  the  adhering  salt  (Ibid.,  p.  429). 
Ke'-yet-sah  is  a  plant  of  the  Crucxfera,  with  reversed  siliques; 
its  seed  is  used  in  making  panada  or  mush.  So'-gbn  is  a  wild 
tobacco;  dried  and  beaten  up  very  fine,  then  wet  and  com- 
pressed together  in  solid  lumps  or  plugs.  Around  old  camps 
and  corrals  there  is  found  a  wild  tobacco  (pan)  which  Asa 
Gray  pronounces  Nicotiana  quadrivalvis,  and  Prof.  Bolander 
N.  plumbaginifolia.  Smoked  alone  or  mixed  with  dried  manza- 
nita  leaves  it  has  a  pungent  peppery  taste,  not  unpleasant." 

"In  the  original:  "  Vn  claustro  ancho  en  quadro  perfecto  de 
bobeda,  6  cubierta  de  petates  con  arcos  de  saus  cozidos  los 
petates  del  mismo  tule  de  su  materia  con  que  esta  cubierto  en 
el  que  ay  algunas  ventanas  para  que  saiga  el  humo."  This  is 
a  description  of  a  type  of  the  large  communal  houses  built  by 
various  tribes  of  the  Pacific  slopes,  the  sides  of  upright  logs  or 
poles  like  palisades,  the  roof  thatched  with  bulrush  mats  sup- 
ported on  bowed  sticks,  the  interior  divided  into  separate  rooms 
whose  entrances  face  each  other,  and  the  outer  wall  with  op- 
posite entrance  on  two  sides.     Compare  note  ",  this  chapter. 

The  Beaumont  MS.  has:  "  Vn  claustro  ancho,  con  arcos  de 
sauz,  y  la  bobeda  hecha  de  petates  de  tule  dclgado  y  cosido,  en 
la  que  ay  algs.  ventanas  para  que  saiga  el  humo."  etc.  The 
printed   Doc.    differs   again:   "  un   claustro   quadrado   y   grande 


274  COMMUNAL    DWELLING    DESCRIBED. 

the  east  and  on  the  west,  and  at  each  of  these  there  is 
a  sentinel  all  night.  This  cloister  or  corridor 
(daustro  6  galera)  consists  of  several  cells  or  compart- 
ments on  all  four  sides  wherein  they  enter  to  sleep 
whenever  the  hour  arrives,  and  at  this  time  each 
family  stays  by  the  fire  in  front  of  the  door  of  its  own 
room.  I  said  that  only  the  old  women  entertained 
me;  inasmuch  as,  the  Jamajabs  having  hastened  for- 
ward to  give  notice  of  my  approach,  so  soon  as  they 
knew  that  I  was  an  Espafiol,  all  the  young  persons 
fled  to  the  woods,  and  there  remained  none  when  I 
arrived  at  this  rancheria.  Therein  they  also  thought 
might  be  Espanoles  the  two  Jamajabs  who  went 
clothed  on  the  whole  journey,  the  one  in  my  shirt 
and  the  other  in  my  blanket;  wherefore  were  they  also 
regarded  with  suspicion.  But  after  a  while,  seeing 
that  I  did  them  no  harm,  and  that  my  companions 
were  not  Espanoles,  but  Jamajabs,  all  the  people  were 
coming  out  of  the  woods;  and  with  much  content- 
ment at  the  sight  of  me  they  kissed  the  crucifix,  and 
showed  by  their  manner  that  it  was  good,  and  that 
they  would  believe  whatsoever  I  told  them.  They 
gave  me  to  understand  that  for  the  night  their  cap- 
tain had  caused  to  be  sent  all  the  animals  from  the 
part  of  the  west  to  that  of  the  east,  for  the  reason  that 

con  arcos  de  sauz,  y  el  techo  de  petates  de  tide  delgado  y 
cosido;  tiene  algunas  ventanas,"  etc. 


SERVICES    HELD   IN    THE   GREAT    HUT.  JJ^ 

on  the  former  side  were  there  bad  people.  My 
Jamajabs  were  grieved  because  those  of  the  rancheria 
ceased  not  to  ask  me  if  I  was  an  Espanol  of  the  west ; 
they  said  no,  that  I  was  of  the  east,  that  I  did  harm 
to  no  one,  and  that  for  this  reason  did  all  the  nations 
desire  me  much;  that  they  themselves  accounted  me 
as  a  Jamajab,  and  therefore  came  they  with  me. 

As  these  stories  pleased  them  {sabidas  estas  borucas), 
at  the  approach  of  night  I  entered  in  the  great  hut. 
where  I  found  each  family  at  its  own  fireside;  I  went 
on  greeting  and  laughing  with  them  all  until  I  came 
to  that  of  the  captain,  where  I  seated  myself,  and  by 
means  of  Sevastian  and  of  another  Indian  who  was 
well  versed  in  the  language  of  San  Gabriel,  I  told  him 
that  I  well  knew  he  had  a  good  heart  and  that  no 
harm  would  he  do  me;  but  that  they  told  me  that 
hereabouts  were  there  bad  people,  and  would  he  in- 
form me  if  he  knew  anything  about  it?  "  Have  no 
fear,"  he  replied,  "  that  any  will  do  thee  harm.  I  will 
accompany  thee  to-morrow  with  all  my  people  to  the 
next  rancheria.  We  know  that  thou  hast  behaved 
well  to  the  people  of  the  great  river."  With  which 
response  was  I  greatly  comforted.  Thereupon  I 
arose  and  recited  the  rosary  (corona)  of  Maria  San- 
tisima,  singing  the  hymn  (alabado)  with  the  Indian 
Sevastian  and  the  two  Jamajabs  who  accompanied 
me  from  the  beginning,  and  who  already  knew  the 


276  OTHER    INCIDENTS. 

Ave  Maria.  This  have  I  practiced  in  all  the 
rancherias,  and  it  has  served  to  the  great  astonish- 
ment of  all  the  nations.  The  first  who  witnessed  and 
heard  this  performance  gave  prompt  notification 
thereof,  and  of  the  compass-needle,  breviary,  and 
Santo  Cristo,  to  all  the  others;  and  thus  it  occurred  to 
me  that  they  themselves  asked  me,  "  When  dost  thou 
pray?  See!  Those  persons  who  are  not  now 
present  do  not  wish  thee  to  leave  till  they  may  see 
thee  pray  and  sing."  I  have  observed  that  this  was 
to  set  me  praying,  that  then  their  shoutings,  dancings 
and  chaffings  (bonicas)  ceased,  and  everything  re- 
mained in  profound  silence.  In  many  places  they 
sought  to  trade  my  rosary  for  a  multitude  of  white 
shells.  A  little  while  after  the  service  began  the  wife 
of  the  chief  arose,  took  a  basket  (corita)  of  seed 
(chico)  and  scattered  it  over  the  Santo  Cristo  I  wore  on 
my  breast;  the  same  did  other  women,  and  they  even 
threw  some  of  this  seed  (semi!  I  a)  on  the  fire,  in  order 
that  there  should  be  a  bright  light.14"  Having  fin- 
ished the  praying  and  singing  I  seated  myself  by  the 
captain  and  the  rest  of  the  elders  of  the  rancheria,  who 

"°Garces  misinterprets  their  design,  which  was  not  to  make 
the  fire  blaze  up.  The  casting  of  seed  into  the  fire  was  doubt- 
less a  form  of  sacrifice.  The  present  Pueblos,  before  eating, 
frequently  throw  a  small  quantity  of  food  into  the  fire. — 
F.  W.  H. 


EFFECTS  OF  TOBACCO  JUICE.         277 

had  assembled  as  soon  as  I  began  the  services.  They 
smoked  the  tobacco  that  I  gave  them,  and  begged  me 
to  exhibit  again — already  had  I  done  this  with  some 
of  them  during  the  evening — the  breviary,  compass- 
needle,  and  other  little  things,  manifesting  great  de- 
light throughout.  This  seen  (visto  csto),  the  captain 
took  a  white  stone,  which  he  drew  out  of  a  bag  and 
threw  it  on  the  fire,  in  order  that  it  should  be  heated; 
he  withdrew  it  at  the  proper  time,  and  braying  it  well 
in  a  stone  mortar  mixed  it  with  wild  tobacco  (tabaco 
del  monte)  and  water  till  it  became  as  it  were  a  paste 
(atdle).  Then  he  handed  me  the  pestle  of  the  mor- 
tar, that  also  was  of  stone,  in  order  that  I  should  taste 
that  mess  (caldo),  which  I  found  extremely  bitter.  I 
returned  him  the  pestle,  which  he  wetted  again,  and 
gave  to  an  old  man,  who  licked  it  very  well  though  it 
was  with  great  effort  that  he  was  able  to  swallow  that 
sauce  (salsa),  which  all  the  others  successively  tasted. 
My  companions  the  Jamajabs  having  tried  it  were  at- 
tacked at  once  with  vomitings  so  violent  that  I 
thought  one  of  them  would  die;  which  those  of  the 
rancheria  greeted  (celebraron)  with  great  laughter. 
Then  the  meeting  was  broken  up,  for  that  there  was 
no  one  else  who  would  try  it  any  more.  I  slept 
within  the  lodge  near  the  door.  I  have  been  able  to 
ascertain  that  they  drink  this  sort  of  gruel  (cstc  gencre 
de  atole)  to  cure  fatigue,  and  consequently  it  is  cus- 


278  THE    JOURNEY    RESUMED. 

tomary  to  offer  it  to  all  their  guests.  I  saw  here 
small  baskets  (coritas),  knives  of  flint,  vessels  (bateas) 
with  inlays  (embiitidos)  of  mother  of  pearl,  like  the 
shell-work  {texidos  de  cuentas)  on  the  handles  of  the 
knives,  and  all  the  other  articles  (obras — manufac- 
tures) that  it  is  said  there  are  on  the  Canal,  with  (the 
people  of)  which  they  carry  on  much  commerce,  and 
perhaps  it  is  that  very  nation;  according  to  the  re- 
ports that  I  have  they  also  agree  closely  in  the  dress 
and  cleanliness  of  the  women. 

Apr.  27.  Accompanied  by  the  captain  and  the 
greater  part  of  his  people  I  went  a  league  and  a  half 
on  a  course  westnorthwest.  I  passed  by  good 
grounds  and  woods  of  the  same  arroyo,  and  arrived 
at  another  rancheria  composed  of  several  large  huts. 
They  received  me  with  pleasure  and  entertained  me 
as  in  the  former  one.  I  observed  this  position  and 
found  it  in  350  09'.15 

This  was  the  last  observation  that  I  made  on  my 
journey;  concerning  which  I  note  that  for  all  former 
ones  I  availed  myself  of  the  tables  computed  by  a  re- 
ligious of  my  college  for  the  meridian  of  Sonora. 
The  Indians  urged  me  not  to  proceed  further,  all  of 

16  This  is  about  the  latitude  of  Kern  and  Buenavista  lakes, 
which  are  connected,  both  discharging  northwestward  into 
Kern  river  a  few  miles  above  Tulare  lake.  As  Garces  men- 
tions no  such  bodies  of  water,  it  is  clear  that  he  was  east  of 
them. 


TO    WALKER    RIVER.  j~>, 

them,  even  Sevastian  and  the  Jamajabs,  refusing  to 
accompany  me;  for  which  reason  I  tarried  here  until 
the  30th  day,  in  which  interval  I  mounted  a  horse 
twice  and  explored  the  neighborhood  of  this  locality, 
returning  to  sleep  on  the  same  spot.  Knowing  the 
longings  that  I  had  to  pass  onward,  they  told  me  that 
could  not  be,  for  that  the  next  nation  called  them- 
selves Noches,  were  very  bad,  and  no  relations  of 
theirs.  Finally,  seeing  me  grieved,  an  old  man  of  the 
Noche  nation  who  was  housed  (casado — married)  in 
this  rancheria  agreed  to  be  my  guide  and  companion. 
Apr.  50.  Informing  Sevastian  and  the  Jamajabs 
that  they  should  await  me  here  for  the  four  or  five 
days  during  which  I  might  dally,  I  set  forth  in  com- 
pany with  the  old  man  eastward  until  we  passed  over 
some  hills,  and  halted  in  an  arroyo  which  I  named 
Arroyo  de  Santa  Catarina;10  having  gone  thus  far 
eight  leagues  north.  On  the  road  I  met  some  small 
boys  of  the  Noche  nation,  to  whom  I  made  presents. 
The  Sierra  de  San  Marcos  extends  through  these 
parts  to  the  northeast  and  north,  and  is  distant  from 
that  of  San  Luis  some  eleven  leagues.  Whilst  I  was 
eating  with  the  old  man  a  very  good  herb  which 
grows  in  the  arroyo,  we  descried  on  the  sierra  three 

10  This  is  Walker  river,  which  Garces  strikes  two  or  three 
miles  above  its  entrance  into  Kern  river,  having  crossed  the 
line  of  the  present  railroad  near  Pampa  station. 


280  TO    KERN    RIVER. 

Noches  Indians;  my  old  man  went  to  speak  to  them, 
but  seeing  that  they  drew  not  nigh  to  where  I  was  I 
directed  my  steps  (me  encamine)  toward  them  in 
order  to  regale  them.  In  all  of  which  could  I  suc- 
ceed no  further  than  that  one  of  them  approached 
and  threw  me  from  some  distance  two  squirrels.  I 
did  the  same  with  some  white  shells  for  himself  and 
his  companions,  each  one  of  whom,  as  soon  as  they 
saw  them  (the  shells),  threw  me  two  squirrels;  so  that, 
with  six  others  which  they  had  already  given  to  the 
old  man,  our  larder  abounded.  We  went  to  sleep 
lower  down  on  the  border  of  the  same  arroyo,  where 
I  found  two  families  on  their  ranchos. 

May  i.  Having  gone  one  league  northwest  I  came 
upon  a  large  river17  which  made  much  noise,  at  the 

17  This  is  Kern  river,  which  Garces  beyond  calls  Rio  de  San 
Felipe,  lettered  Rio  de  San  Phelipe  on  Font's  map.  He  strikes 
Kern  river  at  an  exactly  identifiable  place  where  it  leaves  the 
mountains,  and  goes  down  it  a  little  piece,  then  crossing  it  to 
the  rancheria  on  its  right  bank.  We  thus  have  him  safe  and 
^  sure  on  Kern  river,  a  little  distance  above  Bakersfield,  capital 
of  Kern  county.  This  stream  is  the  principal  affluent  of  Tulare 
lake,  emerging  from  the  mountains  on  the  east  side  of  the  valley, 
and  below  Bakersfield  rounding  northward  to  the  lake.  The 
Southern  Pacific  railroad,  coming  south  through  the  valley, 
turns  eastward  through  Bakersfield  and  so  on  across  the  moun- 
tains. See  beyond,  note  S6,  p.  299,  at  date  of  May  7,  when 
Garces  returns  to  Kern  river,  and  descends  it  a  piece  to  Bakers- 
field. 


KERN"    RIVER    CROSSED.  28 1 

outlet  (al  salir)  of  the  Sierra  de  San  Marcos,  and 
whose  waters,  crystalline,  bountiful,  and  palatable, 
flowed  on  a  course  from  the  (del)  east  through  a 
straitened  channel.  As  soon  as  I  came  thereupon  I 
desired  to  cross;  albeit  the  current  was  very  rapid,  to 
withstand  it  was  not  impossible;  from  which  the  old 
man  dissuaded  me.  We  proceeded  down  river,  and 
in  a  little  while  found  a  rancheria,  where  they  were 
obsequious  to  us;  I  descended  further,  accompanied 
by  three  Indians  whom  I  met  on  the  road,  and 
reached  a  position  wherefrom  I  perceived  a  rancheria 
on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  my  old  man  told 
me  that  here  could  I  cross.  But  great  difficulties 
presented  themselves.  They  asked  me  if  I  knew 
how  to  swim,  and  I  answered  them  nay;  I  supplicated 
them  that  they  should  make  a  raft,  and  they  answered 
me  that  they  knew  not  (how  to  do  so).18  At  last  they 
ordered  me  to  undress  (desnudar),  which  I  did,  down 
to  shirt  and  drawers;  they  insisted  that  I  should  put 
off  every  garment,  but  this  I  refused  to  do.  They 
convoyed  me  across  between  four  of  them  by  swim- 
ming, two  taking  me  by  the  arms,  and  the  other  two 
by  the  body;  whereupon   I  took  advantage  of  the 

"  Respondieronme  que  no  sabian — which  might  mean  either  that 
they  did  not  understand  what  he  said,  or  did  not  know  how 
to  make  a  raft.  Both  the  Beaumont  MS.  and  the  pub.  Doc. 
take  the  latter  alternative;  one  adds  hazerlas,  the  other  hacerU. 


282  NAMED    RIO    DE    SAN    FELIPE. 

occasion  to  bathe  at  my  pleasure  in  that  water  so 
limpid  and  beautiful.  The  mule  crossed  by  swim- 
ming, with  the  clothing  {avito,  for  habito)  and  saddle 
in  baskets  {en  coritas).  The  people  of  the  rancheria 
had  a  great  feast  over  my  arrival,  and  having  regaled 
me  well  I  reciprocated  to  them  all  with  tobacco  and 
glass  beads,  congratulating  myself  on  seeing  the 
people  so  affable  and  affectionate.  The  young  men 
are  fine  fellows,  and  the  women  very  comely  and 
clean,  bathing  themselves  every  little  while;  they 
take  great  care  of  the  hair  and  do  it  up  in  a  topknot 
(copete);  they  wear  petticoats  of  antelope  skin  and 
mantas  of  furs,  though  they  are  not  very  coy  (aunque 
son  poco  recatadas).19  I  rinsed  my  clothes,  and  in  the 
evening  came  a  captain  of  the  rancheria  on  the  west 
to  invite  me  thither.  I  declined,  with  the  statement 
that  I  was  journeying  northward;  but  even  then  they 
did  not  wish  me  to  leave.  Then  I  produced  the  com- 
pass-needle (agujon),  and  seeing  that  for  all  that  they 
moved  it  about  it  always  pointed  in  the  direction 
that  I  said;  they  left  me,  all  alike  lost  in  amazement. 
No  wonder — for  in  other  nations,  when  they  have 
seen  the  mariner's  compass  (bruxula)  they  have  been 
given  to  understand  that  it  possesses  intelligence. 
On  this  famous  river,  which  I  named  Rio  de  San 

"  The  scholiast  notes  in  the  margin  playfully,  "  Casi  en  todas 
partes  experimentaba  buena  hospitalidad  este  padre." 


RIO    DE    SANTIAGO    OR    POSA    CREEK.  283 

Felipe,  there  are  abundant  pastures,  famous  woods, 
and  much  irrigated  ground  (ticrra  dc  rcgadio).  Dis- 
engaging myself  as  best  I  could  from  the  Indians,  I 
set  forth  from  this  rancheria  on  the  bank  of  the  river, 
and  went  this  evening  three  leagues  northwest  and 
partly  north;  whereupon  I  reached  a  river  that  I 
named  (Rio)  de  Santiago.-0  There  is  no  great  vol- 
ume of  water  at  this  time,  but  by  the  breadth  of  its 
bed  it  is  evident  the  river  increases  largely  on  other 
occasions;  it  abounds  in  heavy  timber.  Here  I 
"  made  night  "  in  a  rancheria  of  very  handsome  (bcl- 
lisima)  people,  who  showed  me  every  attention;  and 
I  managed  to  reciprocate  with  some  trifling  presents. 
As  ever  since  I  set  forth  from  Rio  de  San  Felipe  my 
old  man  had  traversed  broken  ground,  he  was  weary, 

70  This  is  the  next  stream  north  of  Kern  river,  to  be  found 
on  various  maps  as  Posa,  Poso,  and  Posey  creek — one  of  a 
series  of  many  streams,  which  successively  come  out  of  the 
mountains  from  the  east  into  the  great  valley,  and  flow  to  or 
toward  its  sink  in  Tulare  lake.  It  is  delineated  on  Font's  map. 
but  without  any  name:  see  his  trace  between  Rio  de  San  Phelipe 
and  "  R.  Sta  Cruz."  The  saint  concerned  is  James,  one  of 
several  persons  of  apostolic  times  not  very  well  identified,  there 
being  at  least  three  in  question.  The  one  who  became  Santiago 
in  Spanish  acquired  the  character  of  a  sort  of  national  patron; 
his  name  attaches  to  much  geography,  besides  furnishing  a 
war  cry  which  has  occasionally  been  heard  in  territory  now- 
owned  or  controlled  by  the  United  States  from  the  time  when 
Coronado  stormed  Hawiku  in  1540  to  the  Hispano- American 
war  of  1898. 


284  SWEATHOUSES    OF    THE    NOCHES. 

and  determined  to  proceed  not  beyond  this  rancheria, 
saying  that  someone  else  should  go  in  his  stead.  In 
this  Noche  nation,  even  as  in  the  Beneme,  is  common 
the  use  of  the  temascal,21  which  consists  of  an  under- 
ground room  covered  with  sticks  and  grass  after  the 
manner  of  an  oven ;  it  has  no  more  than  one  opening, 
which  in  some  (cases)  is  in  the  roof  and  in  others  at 
the  side.  The  hour  of  entering  therein  is  either  dur- 
ing the  morning,  or  during  the  evening.  When  once 
the  persons  are  inside,  they  kindle  a  fire;  and  as  there 
is  little  ventilation  (desavgo),  they  cease  not  with  the 
heat  and  the  smoke  to  cry  out  and  to  sweat  until  the 
earth  grows  wet;  when  indeed  they  can  endure  no 
more  they  climb  out  by  means  of  their  ladder  of  sticks 
and  throw  themselves  into  the  river.  This  is  with- 
out doubt  the  cause  of  these  peoples  being  so  clean; 
but  though  of  good  habit  of  body  (disposition)  they 
are  meager  and  quite  tender-footed  (de  bastante  deli- 
cadeza  para  andar  a  pie). 

51  Temascal  is  a  word  adopted  in  Spanish  for  the  estufa  or 
sweathouse  which  Garces  describes,  from  the  Nahuatl  temascalli, 
which  is  thus  defined:  "  Salle,  etablissement,  maison  de  bain, 
etuve.  Ces  sortes  de  bains  de  vapeur  sont  encore  en  usage 
principalement  sur  les  hauteurs  du  centre  du  Mexique,  et  le 
mot  a  passe  dans  la  langue  espagnole  (temazcal).  Avec  la 
postp.  co:  temascako,  dans  un  bain;  yuhquin  temazcalco,  il  fait 
chaud  comme  dans  un  bain." — Simeon,  Dictionnaire  de  la 
Langue  Nahuatl,  1885.— F.  W.  H. 


ANOTHER     RANCHERIA.  285 

May  2.  I  went  in  company  with  an  Indian  four 
leagues  and  a  half  north,  and  passing  by  some  unin- 
habited {despobladas)  rancherias  I  arrived  at  another 
where  there  were  some  bearded  Indians,  and  among 
them  one  old  man  who  had  it  (the  beard)  so  grown 
{poblada) "  long  and  gray  that  he  resembled  an 
anchorite  much  to  be  revered;  and  even  more  so 
when,  having  begged  of  me  the  crucifix,  he  hung  it 
upon  his  breast.  In  this  rancheria  I  found  that  the 
little  damsels  went  naked;  and  though  in  other  parts 
the  same  occurred  among  the  women  grown,  I  have 
not  seen  in  them  all  (t*.  e.,  in  any  rancheria)  an  im- 
modest action.228 

May  5.  I  went  two  and  a  half  leagues  to  the  north, 
accompanied  by  another  Indian,  and  came  upon  the 

"  Poblada  is  the  word  I  have  translated  "  grown  "  in  this  case, 
as  I  suppose  it  would  not  do  to  say  "  populous,"  or  even  "  in- 
habited "  of  the  reverend  old  man's  beard,  though  that  is  the 
most  usual  meaning  of  poblada.  Let  us  hope  that  it  was  neither, 
but  despoblada,  like  the  rancherias  the  friar  passed  by;  for  other- 
wise he  might  have  regretted  that  he  allowed  the  crucifix  to 
be  placed  upon  the  graybeard's  breast! 

"aMy  MS.  has:  "  En  esta  Rancheria  repare  que  las  Doncel- 
litas  iban  indecentes,  y  aunque  en  otras  partes  sucede  lo  mismo, 
en  las  Mugeres  mayores  no  he  visto  en  todas  ellas  accion  al- 
guna  menos  decente."  The  Beaumont  MS.  variant  is:  "En 
esta  rancheria,  repare,  que  las  doncellas,  ivan  indecentes;  y  con 
todo  que  a  vezes  succede  lo  mismo  en  las  mugeres,  no  he  adver- 
tido,  ni  en  esta,  ni  en  otra  rancheria  de  esta  nacion  la  accion 
menos   decente."    The  printed   Doc.   varies  again,   as   follows: 


286      RIO    DE    LA    SANTA    CRUZ    OR    WHITE    RIVER. 

river  that  I  called  Rio  de  la  Santa  Cruz,23  nigh  unto 
which  there  was  a  rancheria  as  it  were  of  150  souls, 
who  received  me  with  great  acclamation,  commenc- 

"  Repare  aqui  que  las  dencellitas  (sic)  iban  indecentes,  y  aun  a 
veces  las  mujeres,  pero  no  vi  ni  aqui  ni  en  otra  rancheria 
accion  menos  decente." 

"  R.  Sta  Cruz  "  on  Font's  map  of  1777.  This  is  no  doubt 
present  White  river;  the  mileage  alleged,  7  leagues  north  from 
Kern  river,  is  near  enough,  and  the  small  dry  creek  which 
intervenes  between  Poza  creek  and  White  river  would  hardly 
be  named  as  a  river  by  Garces.  White  river  is  one  of  the  same 
series  of  streams  making  out  of  the  mountains  into  the  valley, 
and  running  toward  or  into  Tulare  lake  according  to  the  state 
of  the  water.  Higher  up  than  Garces  comes  to  the  stream 
there  is  a  place  on  it  called  White  River;  and  the  railroad 
crosses  it  much  lower  down,  between  stations  Alita  and 
Delano. 

At  White  river  Garces  is  quite  up  to  the  latitude  of  the 
southern  border  of  Tulare  lake,  or  rather  beyond;  but  he  is  too 
far  east  to  see  or  have  anything  to  say  of  the  great  lake,  being 
on  the  skirts  of  the  mountains.  The  parallel  of  lat.  36°  crosses 
about  the  middle  of  the  lake,  which  is  some  30  miles  broad  in 
any  direction,  though  very  variable  in  different  states  of  the 
water,  especially  on  its  N.  and  S.  sides.  Garces  on  White 
river  is  at  the  northward  limit  of  his  excursion;  and  any  map 
or  record  which  carries  him  further  on  does  so  in  error.  His 
trail  as  dotted  on  the  map  in  Bancroft,  Hist.  Cal.,  i,  p.  59,  loops 
around  a  branch  of  Tulare  river  itself,  N.  of  lat.  36°;  but  this 
is  a  mistake.  "  On  White  river  there  are  no  Indians,  neither 
have  there  been  any  for  many  years;  .  .  .  but  there  are  indica- 
tions that  the  lands  along  this  stream  were  once  inhabited," 
says  Powers,  p.  393:  see  also  note",  this  chapter.  Garces  here 
furnishes  the  evidence  of  the  fact  which  Powers  indicates. 


INDIAN    REFUGEE — DYING    CHILD.  jSj 

ing  to  shout  soon  as  they  saw  me,  "  Ba!  Ba!  Ba!  Ba!  " 
Then  they  gave  themselves  smart  slaps  with  the  palms 
on  the  thighs.  To  all  I  presented  of  the  small  store 
that  I  bore.  Whilst  they  were  kissing  the  Santo 
Cristo,  there  came  to  me  one,  and  begged  of  me  in 
Spanish  {Castillo)  paper  wherewith  to  make  cigars. 
I  wondered  much,  and  on  questioning  him  he  told 
me  that  he  was  from  the  sea  where  there  were  padres 
like  myself;  that  in  four  parts  had  he  seen  Espanoles, 
and  that  it  was  distant  herefrom  a  four  days'  journey. 
When  he  took  to  kiss  it  the  Santo  Cristo,  he  did  so 
with  great  veneration,  and  set  himself  to  preach  to 
the  rest.  I  had  a  suspicion  that  he  might  be  some 
Christian  who  had  just  fled  from  the  missions  of 
Monte-Rey,  since  he  made  signs  of  shooting  and  of 
flogging.24  Here  there  lay  dying  a  little  boy.  I 
asked  of  his  parents  if  they  wished  him  to  be  baptized; 
they  gave  me  so  to  understand,  and  I  administered 
the  sacrament  with  great  consolation ;  I  fondled  him 
and  called  him  muchachito  (dear  little  boy).  Then 
spake  the  Indian  who  had  begged  of  me  the  paper. 
saying,  "Pare,"  pointing  to  the  west;  "  Pare  muclni- 
r/n'/o."24a     Whereupon    I    was    finally    assured    that 

M  Pues  hazia  senas  de  cscopeta,  y  dc  azotar.     I  think  tin.  sen 
as  above,  qu:  bore  the  marks  of  shooting  and  flogging? 

MaMy  MS.  and  the  Beaumont  copy  both  have  the  word  pare, 
and  the  former  repeats  pare  as  above  indicated.     The  sense  is 


288  NOCHES   PAGNINOAS. 

he  was  an  Indian  refugee  from  the  missions. 
There  came  to  conduct  me  to  their  rancherias 
some  Noche  Indians  from  the  west,  whom  I  de- 
nied. There  came  yet  other  Noches  from  the  north 
to  see  me,  called  Noches  Pagninoas,25  and  sought  to 
take  me  to  their  land;  but  equally  did  I  deny  myself 
unto  them,  fearing  lest  Sevastian  and  the  Jamajabs 
should  betake  themselves  off  and  should  leave  me 
thus  alone,  if  I  returned  not  at  the  time  appointed. 
Those  Indians  related  to  me  that  in  their  land  had 
they  taken  the  life  of  two  soldiers  (who  I  persuaded 
myself  were  deserters),  because  they  were  very  wicked 
with  the  women;  adding  that  they  had  cut  off  the 
hands,  had  laid  open  the  breast  and  all  the  body,  had 
torn  them  asunder,  and  scattered  the  remains.28     I 

uncertain,  unless  the  Indian  meant  to  say  that  it  was  all  over 
with  the  little  boy.  But  the  printed  Doc.  gives  an  entirely  dif- 
ferent turn  to  the  clause,  having  padre  and  muchachito  in  italics, 
as  if  the  Indian  simply  pronounced  these  Spanish  words, 
thereby  indicating  that  he  had  picked  them  up  at  some  mission. 

n  Unidentified,  but  apparently  some  small  division  or  ran- 
cheria  of  Yokuts,  of  the  Mariposan  linguistic  stock;  unless  we 
can  do  violence  to  the  dissimilarity  in  names,  and  regard  them 
as  possibly  the  Palligawonap,  a  Paiute  division  formerly  on 
Kern  river. — F.  W.  H. 

2" .  .  .  .  anadien  lo  que  les  habian  cortado  las  manos,  les  ha- 
bian  abierto  el  pecho  y  todo  el  cuerpo,  los  havian  despedazado  y 
tirado."  What  was  done  is  plain,  but  the  ambiguity  of  Spanish 
pronouns  in  such  a  construction  makes  it  equivocal.  Did  the 
soldiers  do  that  to  the  women,  or  did  the  Indians  do  that  to 


OTHER    UNIDENTIFIED    INDIANS.  289 

told  them  that  also  did  the  Espanoles  put  to  death 
those  who  are  evil-doers,  and  that  presently  would 
they  punish  two  who  had  done  wrong  things  with 
Indian  women.  They  named  to  me  toward  the  north 
yet  other  nations  that  I  believe  arc  no  more  than  ran- 
cherias  of  the  same  nation,  and  they  call  themselves 
Choinoc,  Coguifa,  Buesanet.27  On  the  northwest 28 
live  the  Telamoteris,19  who  slay  and  possess  fire-arm?, 
and  have  stolen  from  these  Indians  some  grown  girls. 
They  told  me  that  nortlnvard  seven  days'  journey 
there  was  a  very  great  water  that,  according  to  their 
signs,  was  a  river30  and  ran  from  the  northeast,  unit- 

the  soldiers?  A  somewhat  different  locution,  both  in  the  Beau- 
mont MS.  and  the  pub.  Doc.  makes  it  clear  that  the  Indians 
thus  disposed  of  the  soldiers  who  had  maltreated  the  women 
in  some  other  way. 

a  These  three  rancherias  all  belonged  to  the  Mariposan 
linguistic  stock.  The  Choinoc  of  Garces  were  doubtless  the 
Chunut  of  Powers,  the  Choo-noot  of  Wessells  (1853),  the  Cho- 
e-nuco  of  Barbour  (1852),  and  the  Choi-nucks  of  Johnston 
(1851).— F.  W.  H. 

38  Copy  is  blind  at  the  word,  whether  Nordcst.  northea6t.  or 
Noroest,  northwest.  The  Beaumont  MS.  and  pub.  Doc,  p.  297, 
both  have  norucstc,  and  so  I  read  northwe-t. 

"Los  Tclamoteris—sic,  one  word,  as  name  of  the  tribe.  The 
Beaumont  MS.  has  Telam  6  Torim,  three  words  (with  the  two 
accents  grave  instead  of  acute);  pub.  Doc,  p.  297,  prints  Te- 
lam 6  Torim.  But  who  the  Telam  or  Torim  wore  i^  Kit  open 
to  conjecture. 

*°This  great  river  is  of  course  the  San  Joaquin:  see  the  trace 


290  SAN    JOAQUIN    RIVER    NOTED. 

ing  itself  with  the  Rio  de  San  Felipe.  Let  it  be  as 
I  will  say  hereafter;  one  of  the  two  branches  into 
which  it  divides  runs  a  course  to  the  north;  but  they 
gave  me  to  understand  that  the  other  river  was  three 
times  larger  than  that  of  San  Felipe.  They  insisted 
that  I  should  go  to  see  it,  telling  me  that  in  all  direc- 
tions except  to  the  northwest  and  west  there  were 
good  people.  I  desired  much  to  see  the  river,  which 
according  to  my  computation  should  be  distant  from 
this  place  some  35  or  40  leagues,  howbeit  they  told 
me  seven  days  were  necessary  to  reach  it;  but  these 
Indians  travel  little,  because  they  bathe  much,  and  do 
not  have  any  covering  on  the  feet.  I  determined  not 
to  go,  for  the  reason  said  above,  and  because  I  had 
no  longer  the  wherewithal  (que  regular).  The  Sierra 
de  San  Marcos  runs  by  here  to  the  northnorthwest, 

on  Font's  map  with  the  legend  "  Rio  de  quien  se  tiene  noticia 
por  el  P  Garces."  What  the  text  says  of  its  "  branches,"  and 
of  its  joining  Rio  de  San  Felipe,  is  a  little  dubious  at  first  sight, 
but  is  correct  in  fact.  Kern  river  runs  into  Tulare  lake,  and 
the  issue  from  the  lake  unites  with  the  San  Joaquin.  No  doubt 
this  connection  of  the  lake  with  the  river  is  what  is  meant  by 
the  "  branch  "  of  the  latter,  which  "  runs  a  course  to  the  north." 
The  pub.  Doc.  has  a  footnote  on  p.  297:  "  Este  gran  rio  que 
corre  a  los  36°  puede  ser  el  que  entre  al  puerto  de  San  Francisco 
en  la  California,  6  al  brazo  del  rio  Colombia";  but  we  can  take 
our  stand  on  the  San  Joaquin  as  against  any  tributary  of  the 
Columbia  river!  It  is  a  little  remarkable  that  the  Indians  did 
not  inform  Garces  of  the  lake  itself. 


SIERRA    NEVADA    NOTED.  20J 

and  between  this  and  that  of  San  Luis  intervene  some 
very  broad  plains;  whence  I  infer  that  these  are  the 
Tulares  of  which  Padre  Font  makes  mention  in  his 
diary,  and  which  his  map  shows  with  particularity. 
This  Sierra  de  San  Marcos  is  that  which  they  saw 
snowy  at  about  40  leagues  of  distance  on  the  east  of 
the  Tulares;  for,  though  here  there  is  no  such  dis- 
tance, I  saw  clearly  how  the  sierras  go  widening  or 
disparting  (from  each  other)  in  such  a  manner  that  at 
the  last  only  is  seen  that  of  San  Marcos.31 

31  The  last  sentence  stands  thus  in  the  original:  "  Esta  Sierra 
de  San  Marcos  es  la  que  vian  nevada  como  40  leguas  de  di> 
tancia  al  Oriente  de  los  Tulares,  pues  aunque  aqui  no  ay 
esta  distancia,  vi  claramente  que  se  van  abriendo,  6  apartandn 
de  las  sierras,  de  modo  que  a  lo  ultimo  solo  se  ve  lo  de 
San  Marcos."  This  puzzling  statement  is  cleared  up  com- 
pletely if  we  omit  the  preposition  de  before  las  sierras;  and  that 
this  de  is  a  scribal  error  is  evident  on  comparing  our  copy  with 
the  Beaumont  MS.  and  the  pub.  Doc.  I  accordingly  translate  as 
above,  but  I  may  paraphrase  it  in  plainer  English,  thus:  '"This 
San  Marcos  range  is  the  Sierra  Nevada  which  Font,  when 
he  was  with  Anza's  expedition,  on  the  Bay  of  San  Fran- 
cisco, saw  at  a  distance  of  about  40  leagues  across  thr  San 
Joaquin  valley;  and  though  here  where  I  am  the  Tulares  have- 
no  such  breadth,  I  could  see  them  widening  northward  till 
the  San  Luis  range  ends  and  there  is  left  only  the  Sierra  \'< 
vada."  The  Sierra  de  San  Marcos,  which  Garces  first  named  at 
the  Tehachapai  range,  he  subsequently  extended  to  include  the 
Sierra  Nevada  as  far  as  he  knew  it,  on  the  east  side  of  the  whole 
Tulare  and  San  Joaquin  valleys;  and  this  is  the  Sierra  Nevada 
delineated  and  so  lettered  on  Font's  map,  which  runs  "  Tulare-,  " 


292  BACK   TO   A    FORMER    RANCHERIA. 

May  4.  I  went  half  a  league  east  to  visit  a  ran- 
cheria  where  they  gave  me  wild  rice,32  urging  me  at 
the  same  time  that  I  should  make  a  night  of  it  with 
them;  and  in  order  the  more  to  oblige  me,  hardly 
had  I  arrived  when  all  the  young  women  came  forth 
to  bring  grass  for  the  beast,  a  thing  whereat  I  won- 
dered much,  not  having  seen  the  like  in  any  other 
place.  I  gave  them  of  the  small  store  that  I  brought, 
and  betook  myself  back  to  the  rancheria  whence  I  had 
set  forth;  where,  refusing  me  the  guide,  they  made 
it  necessary  for  me  to  pass  the  day  with  them.  The 
little  boy  that  I  baptized  was  now  about  to  die  (se  iba 
ya  muriendo);  whereupon  began  to  wail  sorely  his 
parents,   with   whom   some   old   women   took   turns 

clear  up  through  the  San  Joaquin  valley  from  the  Tulare  valley 
proper  to  north  of  San  Francisco.  Garces'  Sierra  de  San  Luis 
is  the  whole  range  or  ranges  bounding  this  same  interior  valley 
on  the  west.  The  passage  in  Font's  Diary  which  speaks  of 
sighting  the  Sierra  Nevada  at  40  leagues  is  found  on  p.  209,  at 
date  of  Apr.  2,  1776:  "  Como  a  distancia  de  unas  quarente  leguas 
divisamos  una  gran  Sierra  Nevada,  cuyo  rumbo  me  parecio 
correr  de  sursudeste  a  nornoroeste."  On  that  date  Font  left 
Boca  del  Puerto  Dulce,  which  "  mouth  of  the  fresh  water  port  " 
he  made  out  to  be  in  lat.  380  05'  30",  and  which  was  about  the 
modern  Suisun  bay  and  Carquines  strait;  traveled  E.  some  7 
leagues,  to  the  Arroyo  de  Santa  Angela  de  Fulgino,  where  he 
camped  (see  his  mark  "  100  ") ;  and  between  these  two  localities 
it  was  that  from  a  hill  he  descried  said  "  gran  Sierra  Nevada." 

M  Arroz  simarron;  which,  if  we  may  take  it  botanically  upon 
its  face,  means  the  seeds  of  the  common  Zicania  aquatica. 


THE   DANCE    OF    DEATH.  J<;^ 

(alternaban)  in  weeping  and  singing.  Successively 
came  yet  other  women,  and  all  the  young  fellows 
(gandulcs)  of  the  rancheria,  the  same  making  a  large 
circle  and  within  it  a  bonfire;  the  parents  of  the  boy 
began  to  wail  anew,  and  the  old  women  to  accom- 
pany them  in  counter  tenor  (por  contraulto) ;  suddenly 
these  ceased,  and  the  captain,  together  with  the  men 
of  the  circle,  commenced  to  sing  in  a  mournful  tone, 
yet  keeping  time  (a  compas).  Presently  all  the  men 
arose,  and  did  so  without  putting  the  hands  to  the 
ground;  they  danced,  bending  the  body  to  the  meas- 
ures of  the  same  incantation,  with  the  arms  hanging 
down;  then  opening  the  hands  and  putting  the  arms 
together  they  extended  them  forward,  drew  them 
back  to  the  breast,  stretched  them  out  crosswise  (en 
forma  de  criiz)  palms  downward  {mirando  las  palmas 
d  tierra),  raised  them  over  the  head,  and  finally  clasp- 
ing hands  with  a  loud  noise  they  squatted  down 
plump  (de  golpe)  on  their  hams,  in  all  this  keeping 
time  to  the  tune  of  the  song.  I  visited  the  little  boy 
many  times,  and  saw  that  his  mother  placed  upon  him 
all  the  shells  that  she  had;  I  laid  a  small  cross  upon 
his  breast,  and  left  with  him  the  cloth-of-gold  (paiiito 
de  sol)  that  I  carried,  to  serve  as  a  shroud  when  he 
should  die. 

May  5.  Still  had  not  died  the  small  boy.     They 
urged  me  that  I  should  not  betake  myself  away,  for 


294  BACK    TO    RIO    DE    SANTIAGO. 

they  said  that  there  were  coming  from  all  parts  people 
to  visit  me;  but  having  the  care  of  my  companions 
upon  me,  and  seeing  that  there  was  none  willing  to 
accompany  me,  I  resolved  to  set  forth  alone.  Soon 
did  I  perceive  (eche  de  ver)  that  the  refusal  solely 
originated  in  a  desire  to  detain  me;  for  at  a  little  dis- 
tance an  Indian  overtook  me,  and  guided  me  to  the 
rancheria  whereat  I  had  been  before,  which  was  dis- 
tant two  and  a  half  leagues  south.  From  this  five 
Indians  set  forth  to  accompany  me;  I  traveled  with 
them  two  leagues  in  the  same  direction,  on  the  east 
of  which  I  saw  one  rancheria;  and  on  a  southeast 
course  I  arrived  at  the  Rio  de  Santiago.  In  the  inte- 
rior of  the  sierra  that  is  there  the  river  runs  more 
water.  I  passed  over  it,  having  gone  thus  far  three 
leagues.33 

Here  we  halted  to  partake  of  that  which  the  In- 
dians offered  us  to  eat,  and  the  same  was  not  a  little; 
they  making  me  also  great  importunities,  in  order 
that  I  should  rest  myself.  In  this  I  did  not  concur, 
for  the  purpose  of  reaching  the  rancheria  that  I  had 
seen  on  this  very  river  when  I  came.     Accompanied 

"  Altogether  "jl/2  leagues  S.  and  S.  E.,  taking  him  back  beyond 
Posa  creek,  which  he  strikes  higher  up  than  where  he  crossed 
it  before.  He  is  now  on  his  return  trip,  and  will  soon  bear  away- 
eastward  to  leave  the  Tulares  by  a  different  pass  through  moun- 
tains from  that  by  which  he  entered  the  valley. 


SPANISH    DESERTER.  295 

by  all  the  men  and  women  of  this  one,  I  depart  c  1 
down  river,  course  southwest,  and  soon  found  an- 
other, and  therein  a  captain  very  grave,  who  insisted 
that  I  should  tarry,  giving-  me  to  understand  that  <»n 
the  next  day  he  would  take  me  to  see  an  Espanol 
who  was  married  to  an  Indian  woman  of  the  Noches 
Colteches,34  who  are  very  nigh  unto  here  on  the  east; 
adding  that  said  Espanol  wore  on  the  breast  a  certain 
round  thing  that  I  conceived  should  be  some  medal 
or  reliquary;  that  he  spoke  of  God,  and  pointed  out 
to  them  that  he  (God)  lived  in  the  sky;  that  he  (the 
Espanol)  already  had  a  little  son;  that  he  was  of  a 
good  heart,  and  was  much  in  request  of  all,  living  (as 
he  did)  like  the  rest  of  the  Indians;  and  finally  he 
(the  chief)  made  me  signs  that  he  (the  Espanol)  was 
still  wearing  some  sort  of  clothes  (ulgo  de  ropa).  I 
persuaded  myself  that  this  should  be  some  one  of  the 
deserters,  whose  life  was  spared  with  great  clemency. 
This  captain  gave  me  some  pieces  of  dried  bear's 
meat  (tasajos  de  oso)  and  with  much  feeling  on  the 
part  of  all  I  took  my  leave  when  it  was  already  very 
late,  beginning  to  travel  with  the  assurance  that  I 
should  soon  arrive  at  the  rancheria  which  I  had  seen 
when    I    entered    [May    1].     Two    Indians    set    out 

"Compare  beyond,  p.  304,  date  of  May  12.  These  Indian-* 
were  probably  of  the  Mariposan  linguistic  stock,  bordered  on 
the  east  and  south  by  intrusive  Paiute  bands— F.  VV.  H. 


296  TRAVELING    IN    THE    DARK. 

in  my  company,  upon  whom  I  urged  that  we  should 
follow  the  current  of  the  river;  but  they  assured  me 
that  could  not  be,  on  account  of  the  extent  of  the 
cajones  in  some  places.  Having  passed  a  very  high 
hill  they  put  me  on  the  road,  making  a  sign  whither 
were  the  rancheria  and  the  river,  and  then  left  me 
alone,  in  spite  of  all  the  remonstrances  that  I  made 
to  them,  to  the  end  that  they  should  accompany  me. 
This  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  any  disaffection,  but 
only  to  (the  fact)  that  they  went  naked,  it  was  very 
cold,  and  for  another  thing  they  were  much  afraid 
of  the  bears  in  which  these  lands  abound.  To  noth- 
ing of  this  did  I  give  heed,  in  the  anxiety  that  I  felt 
to  reach  the  place  where  I  had  left  my  companions; 
and  so  at  a  little  distance  I  fell  upon  great  precipices, 
and  already  was  it  dark.  It  is  true  that  I  saw  some 
tracks;  but  they  being  for  those  who  go  afoot,  I  soon 
encountered  an  impediment  to  the  progress  of  the 
mule;  whereupon  (hasta  que)  God  willed  that  I  could 
descend  into  a  large  Canada  that  I  judged  led  to  some 
one  of  the  rivers,  or  at  least  to  the  plains  on  the  west. 
I  traveled  through  this  the  rest  of  the  night,  having 
the  happiness  of  coming  out,  though  making  some 
turns,  upon  the  same  Rio  de  Santiago,  on  whose 
banks  I  arrived  at  the  break  of  day,  having  traveled 
four  leagues  and  a  half  since  1  departed  from  the  last 
rancheria,  on  courses  west  and  southwest. 


TO    THE    NOCIIE    RANCHER! A.  _■■  ,J 

May  6.  Ascending  and  descending  the  river,  at 
a  loss  for  the  situation  of  the  rancheria  I  sought,  1 
descried  on  the  upper  part  four  Indians.  I  directed 
my  steps  toward  them,  and  when  they  saw  me  ap- 
proach they  fell  to  shouting  and  laughing.  They 
were  squatting  down  to  rest  under  the  burden  of  the 
much  meat  that  they  were  carrying.  They  threw  me 
some  half-cooked  squirrels,  and  bade  me  partake  of 
the  meat  they  were  carrying,  opening  for  this  purpose 
a  gray  hide  which  appeared  to  be  that  of  a  mule;  and 
as  I  saw  with  the  meat  a  similar  head,  I  formed  the 
opinion  that  Sevastian  had  come  in  search  of  me,  and 
that  they  had  killed  his  beasts.  Nevertheless,  on  ac- 
count of  the  kind  treatment  I  experienced  from  them. 
I  condescended  to  go  to  their  rancheria,  whither  they 
invited  me,  traveling  three  leagues  southeast  and 
east,  the  whole  way  through  the  sierra.  The  ran- 
cheria contained  more  than  ioo  souls,  of  the  same 
Noche  nation,  who  received  me  with  great  gusto,  and 
in  a  little  while  entertained  me  with  a  dance.  Here 
they  repeated  the  information  of  the  Espanol.  and 
urged  upon  me  that  I  should  go  to  see  him,  saying 
that  I  should  arrive  in  a  day  and  a  half;  under  appre- 
hension of  the  injury  I  imagined  done  to  Sevastian, 
I  only  desired  to  be  freed  from  my  care. 

May  7.  I  went  three  leagues  southsouthea>t  and 
came  upon  the  Rio  de  San  Felipe  about  one  league 


298  ON    RIO   DE   SAN    FELIPE. 

above  the  place  where  I  first  crossed  it  (mas  arriba 
del  paso  de  mi  venida).  I  arrived  at  the  rancheria 
where  I  had  been  on  that  occasion,  and  where  they 
now  advised  me  that  I  should  descend  the  same  river, 
and  cross  it  without  wetting  myself.  To  this  end  I 
traveled  two  leagues  southwest,  wondering  again  at 
the  extent  of  woodland,  pasturage,  and  fitness  for  irri- 
gation (proporciones  de  regadio).  I  arrived  at  a  ran- 
cheria which  should  contain  some  150  souls;  in  which 
place  runs  the  river  now  divided  in  two  branches 
(brazos),  and  has  the  bed  wider;  so  that  they  have 
been  able  to  make  a  bridge  of  two  trunks  of  alders,36 
which  serve  for  the  crossing,  though  at  some  hazard. 
The  branch  of  this  river  which  passes  immediately  by 
the  rancheria  takes  a  course  to  the  westnorthwest, 
and  they  told  me  that  lower  down  it  turns  to  the 
north  till  it  unites  with  that  very  large  river  of  which 
the  Noches  Pagninoas  cited  above  gave  me  some  in- 
formation in  the  last  rancheria.  The  other  branch  of 
this  river,  which  is  smaller,  flows  to  the  west,  dis- 
charging its  waters  when  they  are  swollen  over  some 
very  fertile  plains,  in  which  are  formed  large  lagunas 

"  Alisos  is  the  word  used.  Those  whose  notions  of  alders 
are  based  on  such  bushes  as  Alnus  serrulata  or  A.  incana,  might 
wonder  at  a  bridge  said  to  be  built  of  alders.  But  A.  rhombi- 
folia,  the  species  of  the  region  where  Garces  is  traveling,  is 
a  tree  sometimes  70  or  80  feet  high,  and  A.  oregona  grows  still 
larger.     The   sycamore  is  also  called  aliso  in   California. 


AT    SITE    OF    BAKERSFIELD. 

and  marshes  (pautdnos).  This  place,  which  has  beau- 
tiful hills  for  the  situation  of  missions  free  from  all 
inundation,  I  named  San  Miguel  de  los  Noches  por 
el  Santo  Principe,38  one  of  the  patrons  of  the  expedi- 
tion. The  people  were  rejoiced  at  my  coming,  and 
regaled  me  with  much  game  and  fish,  and  with  a  kind 
of  marquesote,37  somewhat  sweet,  which  they  make 
of  certain  roots  abounding  in  those  surroundings. 
Nevertheless,  I  had  the  feeling  that  the  greater  part 
of  the  people  would  not  kiss  the  crucifix,  when  they 
saw  that  one  old  man  objected  thereto.  This  indi- 
vidual said  that  indeed  shells  and  tobacco  were  good, 
but  that  el  Cristo  was  not,  and  that  he  held  it  in  great 
dread.  Hence  arises  the  great  risk  that  there  is  in 
these  entradas,  and  in  the  beginning  of  the  Founda- 
tions (of  missions);  a  scene  of  the  highest  felicity  and 

M  Garces  is  back  on  Kern  river,  his  Rio  de  San  Felipe,  at  the 
point  where  it  sends  off  two  arms;  one  of  these,  the  main 
stream,  continuing  to  Tulare  lake,  and  the  other,  an  overflow 
stream,  spilling  in  the  direction  of  Kern  and  Buenavista  lakes 
(apparently  the  lagunas  and  pantanos  of  the  text).  The  ran- 
cheria  named  San  Miguel,  etc.,  may  therefore  be  identified  with 
the  site  of  Bakersfield;  see  note  ".  p.  280.  The  whole  context 
of  to-day  would  indicate  that  he  first  struck  Kern  river  at  or 
near  the  mouth  of  Walker  river,  and  thus  not  far  above  Bakers- 
field,  to  which  place  he  now  comes  down. 

37  Unidentified:  compare  macuilxochitl,  defined  in  Simeon's 
Nahuatl  Diet,  as  "  Caryophyiium  mexicanum,  a  medicinal 
plant."— F.  W.  H. 


300  DEPARTURE    FROM    KERN    RIVER. 

docility  shifting  in  an  instant  to  one  of  mishaps  and 
fatalities.  They  told  me  that  the  sea  was  very  far  off; 
that  otters  they  catch  in  lagunas  very  large;  they 
possess  many  skins  of  deers,  and  there  come  to  pur- 
chase them  the  Indians  of  the  west,  of  whom  I  saw 
some  who  urged  me  that  I  should  go  to  their  land, 
conducting  themselves  toward  me  with  great  affabil- 
ity, and  assisting  the  mule  and  the  baggage  to  cross 
over.  Though  I  used  diligence  to  ascertain  the 
depth  of  this  branch  of  the  river  with  a  stout  stick 
of  about  three  varas  in  length,  I  was  unable  (to  do 
so);  for  the  strong  current  bent  it,  though  it  was 
steadied  against  the  bridge.  The  Indian  Sevastian 
told  me  afterward  that  when  he  came  in  search  of  me 
on  this  very  spot,  he  tried  it  by  fastening  a  large  stone 
to  the  hitching-rope  (cctbresto,  for  cabcstro),  and  that 
it  took  the  whole  length  of  the  same,  which  was  seven 
varas.  The  Indians  told  me  that  here  had  been  Se- 
vastian, and  that  already  had  he  gone  away  with  the 
Jamajabs,  and  they  gave  (me)  also  to  understand  that 
they  had  killed  (jareado)  the  mule;  all  of  which  added 
much  concern  to  that  which  I  felt,  and  confirmed  me 
in  the  idea  that  had  occurred  to  me  above,  when  I 
saw  the  meat  and  the  skull. 

May  8.  I  departed,  accompanied  by  three  Quaba- 
jay  Indians,  and  by  other  mountain  Indians  (Serranos) 
who  had  come  to  that  rancheria,   and  went  three 


ON    GROUND   SQUIRREL    PLAINS.  301 

leagues  southsouthwest.  The  Serranos  betook  them- 
selves to  their  land,  and  I  proceeded  with  the  Quaba- 
jay  on  courses  southeast  and  east,  passing  by  dry 

lagunas,  woods,  and  a  level  plain  much  undermined 
by  the  tusas,38  of  which  there  are  infinite  numbers  in 
all  the  plains  that  I  have  seen  of  the  Quabajay  higher 
up;  we  fell  down,  the  mule  and  myself,  and  several 
times  I  was  in  danger  of  the  same,  because  of  the 
insecurity  of  the  ground.  In  the  fall  I  lost  the  com- 
pass needle,  and  did  not  think  of  returning  to  search 
for  it,  because  it  made  me  afraid  to  see  a  land  so  dry 
and  dangerous  to  travel.  I  arrived  at  the  Quabajais, 
having  gone  six  leagues  further.  So  festive  were  the 
Quabajais,  that  there  was  a  dance  this  night  and  the 
next  day;  but  I  meanwhile  was  full  of  concern  at  find- 
ing here  not  one  of  my  companions.  There  came 
next  day  [May  9]  the  Jamajab  Luis  with  two  beasts 
and  a  message  from  the  captain  of  the  Pueblo  de  San 

38  Tuza,  tusa,  or  tuga  is  a  Mexican  name  of  certain  pouched 
rats  or  pocket-gophers  of  the  genus  Geontys,  one  species  of 
which,  inhabiting  Florida,  is  now  technically  known  as  G.  hUO. 
But  these  animals  do  not  burrow  in  such  fashion  as  t<>  render 
a  plain  dangerous  to  ride  over,  and  what  Garces  means  is  the 
common  gray  ground  squirrel  or  spermophile  of  California, 
Spermophilus  beecheyi,  extremely  abundant  in  the  region  he  U 
now  traversing,  where  it  honeycombs  the  ground  with  its  bur- 
rows, and  is  a  nuisance  to  agriculture.  See  note  ".  this  chapter, 
where  the  Pohallin-tinleh  are  so  called  on  account  of  these 
squirrel  holes. 


302       AGAIN    AT    RANCHERIA    DE    SAN    PASQUAL. 

Pasqual  that  I  should  come  quickly  to  his  rancheria. 
He  told  me  that  Sevastian  had  gone  back  in  search 
of  me  to  the  Rio  de  San  Felipe;  I  determined  to  await 
him,  and  he  arrived  in  the  evening  with  no  news. 

May  io.  I  went  over  to  the  Rancheria  de  San 
Pasqual,  where  I  found  two  Jamajabs  recently  arrived 
from  their  land  (the  others  who  had  accompanied  me 
had  already  gone  back,  leaving  only  Luis  and  Ben- 
tura):  hence  is  to  be  inferred  the  frequent  commerce 
that  the  Jamajabs  hold  with  these  nations  and  those 
of  the  sea.  Here  they  supplied  us  with  pinole  de 
chia,  rabbits,  and  small  loaves  (*.  e.,  cakes — panecillos) 
of  seeds,  offered  in  great  glee  and  not  even  half  paid 
for  by  what  was  given  in  return  (ni  aim  medio  pagado 
en  la  recampensa).  They  reiterated  the  question  of 
when  would  I  come  back  again ;  I  continued  to  coun- 
sel the  captain  that  there  should  be  no  more  war 
against  those  of  Santa  Clara,  where  they  had  killed 
another  captain.  I  was  intent  upon  persuading  him 
that  the  Espanoles  were  a  good  people;  to  which  he 
would  by  no  means  assent,  bearing  very  much  in 
mind  the  baskets  (coritas)  and  other  valuables  of 
which  the  passengers  39  had  robbed  them.  One  old 
man  among  others  who  arrived  gave  the  information 
that  in  those  days  there  had  passed  by  the  western 

"  Pasageros,  passengers,  travelers,  wayfarers;  sc,  the  members 
of  the  Spanish  expedition. 


RETURNING    BY    A    DIFFERENT    ROUTE.  303 

border  of  the  sierra  women  and  cattle;  and  further, 
that  many  people  and  horses  had  come  back.40  1  was 
obsequious  to  said  old  man,  and  urged  upon  the 
Jamajabs  that  they  should  return  with  me  to  (Rio  de) 
San  Felipe  in  order  to  follow  up  river  to  the  Cheme- 
bet  Quajala,  but  this  they  refused  to  do;  for,  though 
there  was  no  difficulty  about  it,  yet  thence  to  their 
land  there  intervened  very  rough  sierras  that  the 
beasts  could  not  traverse  because  they  were  very 
lame.  Although  this  project  was  unsuccessful,  I  ac- 
complished the  return  journey  by  a  different  route.41 

40  The  return  of  the  Anza-Font  expedition  of  1776,  from  San 
Francisco  southward,  was  in  April  along  those  portions  of  the 
route  to  which  Garces'  old  man  referred  in  saying  that  mounted 
troops  "  had  come  back."  It  can  be  followed  with  precision  in 
Font's  Diary  before  me,  but  this  is  not  the  place  to  go  into 
those  particulars. 

a  "  Aunque  no  se  consiguio  esto  logre  el  volvcr  por  dist into 
camino,"  which  I  have  rendered  rather  freely  in  the  text.  From 
Apr.  24,  when  through  the  Tejon  (?)  pass  Garces  entered  the 
Tulares,  he  has  been  knocking  about  a  comparatively  small 
area  on  the  S.  and  E.  of  the  valley  and  adjoining  skirts  of  the 
mountains,  never  further  N.  than  White  river.  We  have  fol- 
lowed him  pretty  closely,  though  not  with  entire  precision. 
To-day,  May  10,  he  starts  from  his  Rancheria  de  San  Pasqual 
to  return  to  the  Mojaves  by  a  different  route,  until  he  strikes 
his  outward  trail  on  reaching  the  Mojave  river.  His  mean 
course  will  be  due  E.  to  the  Mojave  river,  crossing  the  moun- 
tains by  the  pass  between  the  Sierra  Nevada  and  Tehachapai 
ranges — the  same  by  which  the  railroad  now  goes  from  Bakers- 
field  to  Mojave  station.     I  was  last  over  this  road  in  1891. 


304  LEAVING   THE   TULARES. 

May  11.  I  surmounted  the  Sierra  de  San  Marcos 
on  the  east  and  northeast,  and  having  gone  thus  far 
two  leagues  I  halted  at  a  laguna  which  I  called  (La- 
guna)  de  San  Venancio.42 

May  12.  I  went  one  league  in  the  same  direction; 
half  a  league  northwest  (sic),  one  league  southsouth- 
east,  and  yet  another  southeast.  Here  I  found  a  ran- 
cheria  of  a  people  of  a  different  language  from  the 
Noches  and  Quabajais,  and  whom  the  Jamajabs  call 
Cobaji;  and  I  discovered  them  to  be  those  whom  the 
Noches  themselves  call  by  the  name  of  Noches  Col- 
teches.43  There  were  here  none  but  women  and  chil- 
dren, who  made  us  presents  of  meat,  seeds,  and  even 
of  two  baskets  to  take  along  with  us.  There  are  here 
firs,  oaks,  and  many  other  kinds  of  trees.  I  returned 
the  favor  with  some  small  shells  (cuentesillas),  such  as 
they  prize,  but  the  women  told  me  that  they  regaled 
me  solely  because  we  were  so  needy;  that  their  nation 
was  generous  (bizarra),  not  stingy  like  that  on  the 
west.  I  believe  they  are  right  about  this,  for  those 
of  the  west  are  dealers  even  among  their  very  selves, 

42  Certainly  Garces  never  got  over  the  main  range  in  anything 
like  two  leagues;  which  I  suppose  to  be  only  the  distance  he 
traveled  between  his  San  Pasqual  and  San  Venancio.  See  May 
17,  P-  305,  when  he  came  out  of  the  mountains.  Bancroft,  Hist. 
Cal.,  i,  p.  277,  says  Garces  "  left  the  valley  probably  by  the 
Tehachepi  Pass  but  possibly  by  Kelso  Valley." 

43  See  back,  p.  295,  date  of  May  5. 


NOCHES    COLTECIIES — JOURNEY    CONTINUED.    $0$ 

and  by  so  much  the  more  do  they  value  and  take  care 
of  their  possessions — though  certainly  I  have  no 
reason  to  complain  of  them.  These  people  arc  very 
robust,  the  women  at  least,  who  are  the  only  ones  I 
saw,  as  the  men  were  out  hunting.  They  told  me 
that  toward  the  northnortheast  there  were  many  peo- 
ple, and  that  I  could  go  there.  As  the  hospitality 
was  good,  I  tarried  at  their  invitation  the  13th  day. 

May  14.  I  went  one  league  and  a  half  southeast 
and  halted  in  an  arroyo  that  I  called  (Arroyo)  de  la 
Ascencion.44  The  Jamajabs  knew  not  the  road,  so 
that  I  was  obliged  to  charge  it  upon  Sevastian  that 
he  should  go  to  seek  it  accompanied  by  Bentura,  I 
remaining  with  Luis  [May  15,  16]. 45 

May  iy.  I  went  six  and  a  half  leagues  southsouth- 
east,  and  having  come  out  from  the  sierra  entered 
upon  some  plains,  grassy  but  lacking  in  trees  and 
water.46     Nevertheless  I  found  a  small  pozo;  and  at 

M  Unidentified. 

48  No  entries  for  the  15th  and  16th,  during  which  days  no 
doubt  Garces  stayed  in  camp,  awaiting  the  return  of  his  two 
scouts.  Neither  the  Beaumont  MS.  nor  the  pub.  Doc.  has  any- 
thing. 

48  Garces  emerges  from  the  mountains  in  the  vicinity  of  Mo- 
jave  station,  where  the  railroad  branches,  one  line  running  due 
S.  toward  Los  Angeles,  the  other  continuing  eastward  to  the 
Mojave  river  and  so  on.  One  who  has  traversed  the  dreary 
waste  upon  which  Garces  now  enters  will  recognize  the  fidelity 
of  his  description. 


306  BACK    AGAIN    ON     MOJAVE    RIVER. 

half  a  league  further  southward  I  found  another,  with 
only  water  enough  for  ourselves  and  the  beasts;  but 
by  digging  deeper  these  wells  they  would  hold  water 
in  abundance,  for  the  plain  is  marshy  (pantanoso)  like 
an  alkaline  cienega. 

May  18.  Having  gone  two  and  a  half  leagues 
southsoutheast  I  entered  upon  a  very  wide  plain 
wherein  I  found  a  pozo  like  the  foregoing  ones;  it  is 
evident  that  this  plain  has  been  a  laguna  in  times 
past.47 

May  ig.  I  traveled  four  and  a  half  leagues  in  the 
same  direction  and  fell  upon  the  Rio  de  los  Martires 
near  the  position  observed  before  in  340  37'.48 

May  20,  21,  22.  I  retraced  the  same  road  that  I 
had  come,  as  far  as  the  Pozos  de  San  Juan  de  Dios.49 

May  23.  Quitting  the  road  of  the  coming,  I  di- 
rected my  steps  to  the  eastnortheast,  and  having  gone 


47  The  whole  alkaline  waste  between  the  mountains  and  the 
Mojave  river  is  marked  with  small  dry  lakes,  pools,  and  pot- 
holes, fully  justifying  this  observation. 

w  He  is  again  upon  the  Mojave  river:  see  back,  242,  Mar.  17, 
where  the  observation  for  latitude  taken  on  the  river  is  given 
as  340  37'.  Garces  appears  to  strike  the  river  about  where  the 
railroad  does. 

48  Having  descended  the  Mojave  river,  Garces  reaches  the 
wells  where  he  was  on  Mar.  8:  see  note10,  p.  258.  From  this 
position  he  reaches  the  Colorado  by  a  road  a  little  further  north 
than  the  one  on  which  he  went  before. 


ADVANCING    TOWARD    MOJA\  ;. 

two   leagues   I   halted  in   the   sandy   plain    (mcdano) 
where  there  was  a  Chemebet  rancheria. 

May  24.  Here  I  tarried  because  some  of  the 
Jamajabs  who  had  arrived  at  this  rancheria  for  the 
commerce  of  shells  were  taken  sick. 

May  25.  I  went  four  and  a  half  leagues  eastsouth 
east,  completing  the  crossing  of  the  sandy  plain  and 
of  the  Sierra  de  Santa  Coleta.50 

May  26.  I  traveled  three  leagues  eastnortheast, 
with  one  turn  to  the  south,  and  halted  nigh  unto  a 
pozo,  scant  of  water  in  consequence  of  its  shallowness, 
which  I  named  (Pozo  de)  San  Felipe  Neri.''1 

May  27.  I  traveled  five  leagues  east  and  northeast. 
The  continuous  sierras  abound  in  grass  and  arc 
clothed  with  a  few  trees. 

May  28.  I  went  one  league  and  a  half  on  a  course 
northeast,  and  came  to  a  good  watering-place  that  I 
named  Aguage  de  la  Trinidad.  Here  I  saw  a 
Chemebet    rancheria.     In    the   afternoon    I    went    a 

00  So  named  Mar.  6,  when  Garces  was  at  Cedar  springs:  see 
back,  p.  236. 

"St.  Philip  Neri.  or  Filippo  de'  Neri  in  Italian,  was  born  at 
Florence  July  22,  1515,  founded  the  Congregation  of  the  Ora- 
tory, died  at  Rome  May  25,  1595,  and  was  canonized  in  162a.  I 
do  not  feel  quite  sure  of  the  Pozo  named  for  him,  but  if  it  were 
not  modern  Rock  springs,  it  was  in  that  vicinity.  Likt 
the  place  named  Aguage  de  la  Trinidad  on  the  28th  was  prob- 
ably Piute  springs. 


308  ARRIVAL   AT    MOJAVE. 

league  and  a  half  southeast  and  halted  in  another 
rancheria  at  the  request  of  its  Indians.  In  the  sierra 
there  is  a  water-tank. 

May  29.  Having  gone  two  leagues  east  I  found  a 
well  of  very  abundant  water,  and  having  gone  seven 
more  on  a  course  southeast,  I  reached  the  Pozo  de 
San  Casimiro.52 

May  50.  Having  gone  three  leagues  eastsoutheast 
I  re-entered  into  the  Jamajab  nation.  Inexplicable 
are  the  expressions  of  delight  which  said  nation 
made  to  see  me  again  in  their  land.  They  had  sum- 
monsed to  my  arrival  the  Yabipais  Tejua,  Jaguallapai, 
Chemebets,  and  Jalchedunes,  in  order  that  in  my 
presence  all  might  speak  at  great  length  and  celebrate 
peace  firmly.  To  this  end  they  gave  me  to  under- 
stand that  a  detention  of  eight  days  was  required, 
notwithstanding  they  were  aware  {en  medio  de  saber 
cllos)  that  I  had  received  a  letter  from  the  senor 
comandante  of  the  expedition,  and  another  from  my 
companion  Fray  Tomas  (Eisarc),  in  which  they  noti- 
fied me  to  return  without  delay  to  the  Yumas.53     In 

52  See  back,  at  date  of  Mar.  4,  p.  235  and  note  there. 

63  Anza's  expedition,  having  left  the  vicinity  of  San  Francisco 
early  in  April,  reached  the  Colorado  at  Yuma  on  May  n 
(Font's  camp  mark  "130").  The  following  extract  from 
Font's  Diary  of  that  day  bears  upon  the  above  passage: 

"  Reciprocal  and  great  was  the  joy  that  I  had  to  see  Padre 
Fray  Thomas  Eixarch  content  and  safe  in  this  place,  living  with 


WORD     RECEIVED     FROM     THE     EXPEDITION.      309 

the  general  council  of  these  five  nations,  such  was  the 
crowd,  clamor,  and  confusion  they  made,  that  for  this 
and  the  heat  I  feared  that  I  might  be  sick.  At  last 
they  all  made  terms  of  peace  (las  paces)  with  signs 
that  it  was  to  be  kept  up  (con  scnalcs  de  per sever ancia), 
to  their  great  joy  and  my  entire  satisfaction.  On  this 
occasion  I  talked  much  with  the  Jallaguapais  [sic] 
about  the  distance  of  Moqui  and  New  Mexico;  to 

such  satisfaction  among  so  many  gentiles,  who  are  well  disposed 
toward  the  Spaniards,  and  worthy  of  appreciation  and  esteem, 
especially  Captain  Palma.  This  Puerto  de  la  Concepcion, 
situated  a  little  below  the  confluence  of  the  Gila  and  Colorado, 
is  a  place  of  some  bluffs  (territos)  of  moderate  elevation,  which 
form  a  little  pass,  through  which  the  Colorado  is  straitened, 
and  on  leaving  which  it  again  spreads;  so  that  this  is  the  situa- 
tion of  a  very  pleasant  vista,  and  the  hest  place  I  have  seen  on 
the  river  for  settlement,  because  it  is  immediately  upon  the 
river,  yet  secure  from  its  inundations,  however  much  it  may 
overflow;  though  of  such  little  extent,  that  the  small  uneven 
mesa  which  it  makes  would  hold  no  more  than  the  church  and 
a  few  houses,  [etc. — a  good  description  of  the  bluffs  on  which 
Fort  Yuma  stands].  Here  we  met  Padre  Fray  Thomas 
Eixarch,  who  came  to  live  here  with  Captain  Palma,  as  this 
was  a  better  place  than  that  where  we  left  him  when  we  went 
away,  distant  from  this  puerto  one  league  up  river,  where  also- 
one  could  not  maintain  himself  during  the  rise  in  the  river. 
We  were  expecting  to  find  in  this  place  Padre  Fray  Francisco 
Garces;  but  he  was  not  here,  nor  had  Padre  Fray  Thomas  had! 
any  word  from  him  since  he  went  up  river  to  the  Jalchedunes. 
The  last  word  we  had  had  from  Garces  was  the  letter  of  Apri) 
15  which  he  wrote  to  senor  comandante  Ansa  from  the  mission 


3IO  DEPARTURE    FROM    MOJAVE. 

which  they  responded  fully,  giving  me  information  of 
all  the  land  that  lay  hence  to  the  capital  [Santa  Fe]. 
I  desired  to  go  there,  but  the  letters  received  obliged 
me  to  descend  to  the  Yumas. 

Next  day  [May  31]  I  took  leave  of  all,  first  mak- 
ing some  presents,  especially  to  the  Jaguallapais.  At 
the  departure  of  these  for  their  lands,  when  they 
reached  the  river  some  of  the  Jamajabs  set  up  a  yell. 


of  San  Gabriel,  where  he  was  during  holy  week,  early  in 
April.  .  .  In  this  letter  he  said  that  he  should  return  to  the 
Jamaja  nation,  as  that  was  necessary,  and  that  afterward,  if  he 
should  learn  of  anything  worth  his  while  (algo  de  bueno)  he 
would  keep  on  [to  Moqui],  but  if  not,  he  would  come  down  the 
Colorado  to  await  us,  so  that  we  could  go  back  together. 
When  we  arrived  at  the  mission  of  San  Gabriel  the  padres  there 
told  us,  that  when  Padre  Garces  left  he  said,  speaking  of  his 
journey,  that  if  he  met  Indians  who  would  accompany  him, 
and  he  did  not  think  there  would  be  much  difficulty  in  this,  his 
intention  was  to  keep  on  inland  (internarse)  and  discover  a 
route  to  New  Mexico.  When  we  reached  Puerto  de  la  Concep- 
cion  we  got  a  rather  confused  report  that  Padre  Garces  was 
among  the  Jalchedunes.  So  the  sehor  comandante  immedi- 
ately sent  an  Indian  interpreter  there  with  a  letter  in  which  he 
informed  him  (Garces)  of  our  arrival,  and  saying  that  in  three 
days  we  should  continue  our  journey.  This  was  time  enough 
for  the  padre  to  come  here, if  he  was  there;  but  the  padre  did  not 
come  in  the  three  days,  nor  did  the  messenger  return,  nor  could 
we  get  any  word  of  him  after  the  more  than  three  months  which 
had  passed.  Whence  I  inferred,  that  Padre  Garces  had  found 
a  way  and  the  means  of  going  to  New  Mexico  as  he  desired,  or 
else  that  he  had  met  with  some  great  setback  in  his  apostolic 


FRACAS    AVOIDED.  3  I  I 

wishing  to  kill  them  on  account  of  some  relatives  of 
theirs  whom  they  (the  former)  had  killed  in  the  pre- 
vious wars.  This  determination  was  repressed  by 
the  principal  Indians  of  the  rancheria,  agreeably  with 
the  peace  which  had  just  been  celebrated  through  my 
intervention.  They  brought  the  Jaguallapais  to 
where  I  was;  and  seeing  them  so  terrified  and  mis- 
trustful— as  I  likewise  was,  having  little  faith  in  the 
Jamajabs — I  instantly  told  them  to  have  no  fear,  for 
I  was  determined  to  accompany  them  myself.     Noth- 

journeyings,  on  which  he  had  started  somewhat  sick;  if  indeed 
he  had  not  died  or  been  killed  by  Indians.  I  note  that  when 
Sefior  Ansa  dispatched  the  interpreter  with  the  letter,  he 
ordered  him,  if  he  did  not  find  Padre  Garces,  but  found  his 
beasts,  to  bring  them.  This  he  did  without  minding  (sin 
hacersc  cargo)  that  Padre  Garces  might  be  there,  or  further  off, 
and  would  need  them  when  he  should  return,  as  actually  hap- 
pened. It  shows  the  delicacy  of  Sefior  Ansa,  and  such  are  the 
favors  which  he  says  he  always  shows  to  padres.  This  I  knew 
for  certain,  because  the  interpreter  himself  told  me  so  when  he 
returned;  on  my  asking  him  why  he  had  brought  the  beasts, 
leaving  the  padre  in  want  of  them,  he  replied  that  he  could  do 
nothing  else,  being  under  orders,  and  that  his  master  Sefior 
Ansa  had  so  ordered;  and  this  he  said  in  the  presence  of  Sefior 
Ansa,  without  being  contradicted." 

Thus  things  are  seen  to  have  been  as  pleasant  as  ever  be- 
tween Anza  and  Font,  when  they  returned  to  the  Colorado. 
The  letter  above  said,  which  was  dispatched  on  the  12th,  ap- 
pears to  have  reached  Garces  at  Mojave.  The  expedition 
crossed  the  Colorado,  and  left  the  mouth  of  the  Gila  on  the  16th, 
taking  with  them  Padre  Eisarc  and  Captain  Palma. 


312  DETERMINATION    TO    GO    TO    MOQUI. 

ing  could  dissuade  me  from  this  resolution,  even 
though  there  are  encountered  as  a  rule,  many  difficul- 
ties in  such  an  enterprise.  Immediately  went  on 
ahead  one  Jaguallapai  with  two  Jamajabs  to  notify 
the  nation  of  the  former  that  I  was  coming  to  their 
lands.  Anticipating  that  I  should  be  unable  to  re- 
turn to  the  Jamajabs,  I  left  orders  with  Sevastian  that 
unless  I  was  there  within  a  few  days  he  should  go 
down  with  the  Jalchedunes  to  their  lands.  This  In- 
dian, who  was  the  only  one  that  remained  still  in  my 
service — for  the  interpreters  had  returned  to  the  ex- 
pedition— was  unwilling  to  follow  me,  for  all  that  I 
begged  him  to  do  so. 


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